VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...
VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...
VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...
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Sylvia Moosmüller<br />
languages analyzed. Solé & Ohala (1991) found a different distribution of temporal<br />
patterns of nasalization, in American English the extent of nasalization on the preceding<br />
vowel was variable according to duration, while in Spanish it remained constant. Cohn<br />
(1993) demonstrated that in Sundanese, nasal airflow patterns have plateau-like shapes<br />
similar to those observed in French, whereas English exhibits rather smooth, rapid<br />
contours.<br />
For Italian, Farnetani (1986, cited in Farnetani 1997) could show that the spread<br />
of nasalization depends also on the quality of the vowel. In the sequence /'ana/ the<br />
opening of the velopharyngeal port happens at the acoustic onset of the initial /a/ and<br />
lasts until the end of the final /a/. In the sequence /'ini/, only a slight anticipation of<br />
velopharyngeal opening could be observed during the initial /i/, whereas the port<br />
remained open throughout the final /i/ (Farnetani 1997: 376).<br />
Similar results have been obtained for anticipatory lip protrusion (see Farnetani<br />
1999 for an overview). Daniloff & Moll (1968) observed lip protrusion over four<br />
consonants preceding the vowel. Lubker (1981) suggested a maximum time of<br />
approximately 600 ms for anticipatory lip protrusion. Vaxelaire et al. (2003) found that<br />
in /atu/ and /aku/ sequences, lip rounding and tongue dorsum constriction, both<br />
associated with the production of the vowel /u/, traverse the intervocalic consonant and<br />
may even affect late configurations of the vowel /a/. In a further extended study, Roy et<br />
al. (2003) could show for V1CV2 sequences spoken by two French subjects, where V1 is<br />
unrounded, V2 is rounded and the intervocalic consonant either an alveolar or a velar<br />
plosive, that anticipatory jaw, labial and lingual gestures associated with the production<br />
of V2 are all initiated before intervocalic consonant contact and that /u/ anticipatory<br />
vocalic gestures have a longer extent in the /a/ context than in the /i/ context. Lubker &<br />
Gay (1982) not only found language-specific differences:<br />
"..., in general, speakers of Swedish exhibit more extensive movement toward protrusion,<br />
produce more accurate target or goal positions, and either begin the movement toward those<br />
positions earlier or in relation to the time available to them than do the speakers of American<br />
English in this experiment." (Lubker & Gay 1982: 444),<br />
124