VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...
VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...
VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...
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123<br />
Vowels in Standard Austrian German<br />
or start in the oral airflow. Theoretically, Menzerath & de Lacerda push the problem of<br />
segmentation to the level of phonology ("Lautabgrenzung heißt aber offenbar<br />
Abgrenzung der Laute", S. 59, see also Nolan & Kühnert 1999, Tillman & Mansell<br />
1980), whilst practically they use the information of the electro-labiograph (for labial<br />
consonant - vowel sequences) or the curve of the oral airflow.<br />
Menzerath & de Lacerda do not differentiate between anticipatory and carry-over<br />
coarticulation, this is not crucial to their argumentation of the continuous flow of<br />
speech. Yet both directions occur in their material and with intraspeaker variability. For<br />
example, in the sequences "máma" and "mamá", spoken in isolation, both final vowels<br />
appear as non-nasal, independent of their accent, whereas within a sentence, the same<br />
wordfinal á, followed by a velar plosive, is slightly nasalized throughout.<br />
High variability in the quality and timing of nasalization has been observed by<br />
many researchers sofar. Moll & Daniloff (1971) could show that anticipatory nasali-<br />
zation could appear over two vowels preceding the nasal, even if interrupted by a word-<br />
boundary 87 , and that quite often there was as much velar opening during the vowels as<br />
during the nasal consonant. On the other hand, velar closure NVC sequences started<br />
either during the nasal consonant, during the approach to the vowel, or during the<br />
steady-state portion of the vowels (Moll & Daniloff 1971: 681). Speaker-specific<br />
differences could also be observed in an utterance final sequence /ni/ (from "money").<br />
One speaker exhibited velar closure for the final vowel, one showed a movement<br />
towards closure, though closure was not achieved, and two speakers exhibited no velar<br />
closure movement, the velum remaining fully open throughout the vowel (Moll & Dani-<br />
loff 1971: 682).<br />
Language-specific differences in vowel nasalization have been observed by<br />
Clumeck (1976), Solé & Ohala (1991), and Cohn (1993), among others. Clumeck<br />
(1976) could show that velar coarticulation differs in temporal extent across the six<br />
87 Contrary to Kozhevnikov & Chistovich (1965), who propose a syllable based approach.