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SOBIBÓR - Holocaust Handbooks

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J. GRAF, T. KUES, C. MATTOGNO, <strong>SOBIBÓR</strong> 223<br />

gences appear in respect of two connected questions: on the one<br />

hand the nature of the process by which the decision was taken and<br />

more particularly the role of Hitler and his ideology, on the other<br />

hand the moment at which this decision was taken. As Martin Broszat<br />

has rightly stated, a diversity of interpretation advises us that<br />

any kind of theory on the origin of the ‘final solution’ belongs to the<br />

field of probability rather than to that of certainty.” (Emph. added)<br />

Browning then sketched out a summary of these “major divergences”:<br />

648<br />

“For Lucy Dawidowicz the conception of the final solution antedates<br />

its implementation by twenty years; for Martin Broszat the<br />

idea emerges from practice: the sporadic assassination of groups of<br />

Jews gave rise to the idea to assassinate all of the Jews systematically.<br />

Between these two extremes we have a great number of interpretations.<br />

Thus, Eberhard Jäckel believes that the idea to kill the Jews<br />

sprang up in Hitler’s mind at the end of the 1930s. Karl Dietrich<br />

Bracher supposes that it already existed at that time. Andreas<br />

Hillgruber and Klaus Hildebrand maintain the supremacy of ideological<br />

factors but do not propose any precise date. Others, not all<br />

of them functionalists, place the decisive turn into the year of 1941;<br />

but as far as that year is concerned many dates have been suggested.<br />

Léon Poliakov believes that the most probable date is the beginning<br />

of 1941, whereas Robert Kempner and Helmut Krausnick sustain<br />

that Hitler took this decision in the spring in connection with the<br />

preparations of the invasion of Russia. Raul Hilberg thinks that the<br />

decision was taken in the summer when the massacres perpetrated in<br />

Russia led to the belief that this solution would also be possible in<br />

all of Europe for a victorious Germany. Uwe Dietrich Adam asserts<br />

that it was taken in autumn when the military offensive slowed down<br />

and it became apparent that a ‘territorial solution’ by way of a mass<br />

expulsion into Russia thus became impossible. Sebastian Haffner, finally,<br />

who is certainly not a functionalist, supports an even later<br />

thesis, early December, when the feeling of an eventual military defeat<br />

caused Hitler to seek an irrevocable victory over the Jews.”<br />

Here Browning wonders:<br />

“How are we to explain such a diversity of interpretations as to<br />

the type and the date of the decision concerning the final solution?”<br />

648 Ibid., p. 192.

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