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and its internal and external others in essentialist or reductive terms within this grand narrative. (2005, pp. 427-428) Regarding what perspective of national history and the resulting nation identity, provided to students through History curriculum, this summary from Billig is also relevant: Different factions, whether classes, religions, regions, genders or ethnicities, always struggle for the power to speak for the whole, defining the history of other subsections accordingly. ‘The voice of the nation’ is a fiction; it tends to overlook the factional struggles and the deaths of unsuccessful nations, which make such a fiction possible. Thus, national histories are continually being re-written, and the re-writing reflects current balances of hegemony. As Walter Benjamin argued, history is always the tale of victors, celebrating their triumphs: ‘Whoever has emerged victorious participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostate’ (1970, p. 258).” (1995, p. 71) The outcome of a study of textbooks by Carlson found that in legitimating knowledge related to a nation’s history (in this case the United States’ and its relationship with the now-former USSR), …issues tend to be treated merely as technical matters, and the only debate normally recognized is over the most effective means of achieving an unquestioned national foreign policy. This also implies a focus on a detailed, surface-level description of historical events rather than a more comprehensive treatment which explores their interconnections, social implications and underlying assumptions…If mistakes are recognized, they are generally construed as strategic in nature” (1989, p. 48) Whether this is evident, and if so to what degree, in textbooks selected for this study is a topic for discussion in the final stage analysis of the textbooks, particularly in cases where the same discourses emerge across multiple historical time periods. Contextualised within the current environment of history/culture wars across various nations, Osborne in his study of Canadian national history taught in Canadian schools, writes, “issues of identity, heritage and citizenship, all rooted in competing conceptions of the past, have become the stuff of politics” (2003, p. 585). This is a point made in earlier studies too, with Carlson pointing out in response to social studies textbooks, “evidence of some legitimation 58

‘problem’ is to be found, first of all, in the reaction of politically conservative and rightist groups in America to what they perceive to be an anti-American bias in history textbooks” (1989, p. 51). This public interest is also reflected in Japanese history textbooks, particularly when new editions are published (see, for example, Barnard, 2003a, 2003b); and the emotional status that national history topics and national identity generally hold in the minds of the general public. For example, Keith Crawford (2008) analyses the Japanese public interest in national history as an example of sustaining a traditional national identity. It is through manga comic magazines that millions of Japanese citizens express this interest in their nation’s past, and this is due, in Crawford’s view, to “…manga offer[s] a far more accessible and populist medium through which to help shape a sense of Japan’s past” (2008, p. 61). In linking to the school curriculum, it is argued that for “…an issue that finds little space within Japanese secondary history textbooks…” (Crawford, 2008, p. 62), popular and accessible publications extend beyond what is available in the school curriculum, encompassing deeper aspects of national identity through a nation’s history. Arguably, one of the most well known recent studies of ideology within national identity comes from Barnard’s (2003a) research of Japanese History textbooks. Published in 2003, a CDA approach is applied to extrapolate the underpinning ideologies in Japanese textbooks post-WWII. In particular, he focuses on events of WWII that have been commonly deemed controversial, partly due to “…claims that Japan has never ‘apologized properly’ for its actions between 1931 and 1945…There are frequent protests, both from within Japan and from overseas, that a biased, nationalistic history is taught in Japanese schools” (Barnard, 2003a, n.p.). The research and analysis conducted for this project is aligned with the description applied by Barnard of his use of CDA, citing “…critical discourse analysts… have been interested in pointing out ideologies that form part of seemingly neutral, disinterested, and objective discourses” (Barnard, 2003a, pp. 20-21). Regarding mythologies of national identity that can be presented to school students through the History curriculum, Barnard draws on the example of pre-WWII Japanese school curriculum, writing: When Japanese schoolchildren before and during the war were taught not history, but a racially based mytho-history centering on the divine descent of the imperial family and foundation myths of the Japanese people, together with anti-scientific views on the unique nature of the Japanese race and the sacred nature of their land (Brownlee 1997; Wray 1983), the people who were deriving benefit from this were certainly not the ordinary Japanese people themselves. (2003a, p. 21, emphasis added) 59

and its internal and external others in essentialist or reductive terms within this grand<br />

narrative. (2005, pp. 427-428)<br />

Regarding what perspective <strong>of</strong> national history and the resulting nation identity, provided to<br />

students through History curriculum, this summary from Billig is also relevant:<br />

Different factions, whether classes, religions, regions, genders or ethnicities, always<br />

struggle for the power to speak for the whole, defining the history <strong>of</strong> other subsections<br />

accordingly. ‘The voice <strong>of</strong> the nation’ is a fiction; it tends to overlook the<br />

factional struggles and the deaths <strong>of</strong> unsuccessful nations, which make such a fiction<br />

possible. Thus, national histories are continually being re-written, and the re-writing<br />

reflects current balances <strong>of</strong> hegemony. As Walter Benjamin argued, history is always<br />

the tale <strong>of</strong> victors, celebrating their triumphs: ‘Whoever has emerged victorious<br />

participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step<br />

over those who are lying prostate’ (1970, p. 258).” (1995, p. 71)<br />

The outcome <strong>of</strong> a study <strong>of</strong> textbooks by Carlson found that in legitimating knowledge related<br />

to a nation’s history (in this case the United States’ and its relationship with the now-former<br />

USSR),<br />

…issues tend to be treated merely as technical matters, and the only debate normally<br />

recognized is over the most effective means <strong>of</strong> achieving an unquestioned national<br />

foreign policy. This also implies a focus on a detailed, surface-level description <strong>of</strong><br />

historical events rather than a more comprehensive treatment which explores their<br />

interconnections, social implications and underlying assumptions…If mistakes are<br />

recognized, they are generally construed as strategic in nature” (1989, p. 48)<br />

Whether this is evident, and if so to what degree, in textbooks selected for this study is a topic<br />

for discussion in the final stage analysis <strong>of</strong> the textbooks, particularly in cases where the same<br />

discourses emerge across multiple historical time periods.<br />

Contextualised within the current environment <strong>of</strong> history/culture wars across various nations,<br />

Osborne in his study <strong>of</strong> Canadian national history taught in Canadian schools, writes, “issues<br />

<strong>of</strong> identity, heritage and citizenship, all rooted in competing conceptions <strong>of</strong> the past, have<br />

become the stuff <strong>of</strong> politics” (2003, p. 585). This is a point made in earlier studies too, with<br />

Carlson pointing out in response to social studies textbooks, “evidence <strong>of</strong> some legitimation<br />

58

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