PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ... PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
…in the established nations, there is a continual ‘flagging’, or reminding, of nationhood. The established nations are those states that have confidence in their own continuity, and that, particularly, are part of what is conventionally described as ‘the West’. The political leaders of such nations—whether France, the USA, the United Kingdom or New Zealand—are not typically termed ‘nationalists’. However, as will be suggested, nationhood provides a continual background for their political discourses…In so many little ways, the citizenry are daily reminded of their national place in a world of nations. However, this reminding is so familiar, so continual, that it is not consciously registered as reminding. The metonymic image of banal nationalism is not a flag which is being consciously waved with fervent passion; it is the flag hanging unnoticed on the public building. (1995, p. 8). This statement connects with the analysis of textbooks conducted for this dissertation, highlighting British heritages and Indigenous representations as an outward demonstration of the implicit nationalism and expected ‘take up’ of nation identity that is taught to students. In a way textbooks include multiple types of nationalism: instances of the ‘exotic’ arise in historical narratives of the battle of Gallipoli in WWI for British Heritages and violent clashes between explorers and Indigenous Australians for Indigenous representations; and instances of the ‘banal’ are communicated through impersonal narratives about, for example, prime ministers and elections; and kinship or moiety systems. However, each type is powerful in communicating specific ideologies of how nationalism and national identity is viewed by the textbook authors and the curriculum writers, gatekeepers of the official knowledge. Turning now to look at the competing perspectives of the construction of the ‘nation’, particularly its relevance in contemporary contexts; Luke acknowledges the rapid acceleration of an increasingly global society, discussing the complexities of dealing with national identity and citizenship in schooling in the postindustrial world, by asserting: …postindustrial and rapidly industrialising nation states alike are engaged in ongoing, often acrimonious debates about whether and how schooling might respond to new forms of national identity and citizenship, and changing practices and divisions of labor generated by economic globalization and new technologies (Kellner, 1997). In spite of fears that the domination of the new public sphere by multinational media corporations would silence diasporic communities, there is 52
vigorous and sustained public debate over whose and which version of history, morality and ethics should count, in whose interests, and to what ends. (1997, p. 343) As a practical example of how this plays out in a lived-context, Kofman (2005), in research comparing the experience of European Jewish people in the early to mid 20 th century with the current population of Muslims living in Europe, considers ideas of national identity through the lens of what she calls cosmopolitanism. In viewing this concept as transnational, Kofman also identifies the dangers in ignoring completely issues of national identity, writing: Others (Tarrow, 2001; Calhoun, 2003; Tennant, 2003) have counseled against downplaying the continuing salience of local solidarities and communitarian approaches in underpinning cosmopolitan democracies. They argue that cosmopolitanism needs an account of social solidarity and a thicker conception of social life, commitment and belonging. Cosmopolitanism tends to dismiss the nation, and for the most part models political life on a fairly abstract liberal notion of the person as bearer of rights and obligations…in the present period an often unacknowledged ambiguity continues towards cosmopolitan dispositions, in part reflecting the contradictions and tensions between national belonging and processes of globalization. (2005, pp. 83-84, emphasis added) Whist the focus of this project is on Australia’s national history, and many historians (as outlined briefly above) consider the ‘nation’ an important aspect of historical research (however flawed and artificial the concept of nation is), Curthoys asserts that “in the context of globalization – economically, culturally, and even politically – the nation matters less, or at least in a very different way, than it once did” (2003, p. 22). Rather, Curthoys looks towards a transnational approach to history explaining this as “…the idea of historians looking at historical processes, at networks of influence and power which transcend the nation. The point of the exercise becomes not comparison, but the study of influence and interconnection” (2003, p. 29, emphasis in original). In addition, she writes “…national history generally is under question...Influenced by…globalization and the need for more holistic world and transnational histories, there are strong signs…of a turning away from the nation as the basic organizing category…” (p. 142). Through a concrete example of this, Curthoys links Japanese and Australian history to the history/culture wars context, writing provocatively: 53
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…in the established nations, there is a continual ‘flagging’, or reminding, <strong>of</strong><br />
nationhood. The established nations are those states that have confidence in their<br />
own continuity, and that, particularly, are part <strong>of</strong> what is conventionally described as<br />
‘the West’. The political leaders <strong>of</strong> such nations—whether France, the USA, the<br />
United Kingdom or New Zealand—are not typically termed ‘nationalists’. However,<br />
as will be suggested, nationhood provides a continual background for their political<br />
discourses…In so many little ways, the citizenry are daily reminded <strong>of</strong> their national<br />
place in a world <strong>of</strong> nations. However, this reminding is so familiar, so continual, that<br />
it is not consciously registered as reminding. The metonymic image <strong>of</strong> banal<br />
nationalism is not a flag which is being consciously waved with fervent passion; it is<br />
the flag hanging unnoticed on the public building. (1995, p. 8).<br />
This statement connects with the analysis <strong>of</strong> textbooks conducted for this dissertation,<br />
highlighting British heritages and Indigenous representations as an outward demonstration <strong>of</strong><br />
the implicit nationalism and expected ‘take up’ <strong>of</strong> nation identity that is taught to students. In<br />
a way textbooks include multiple types <strong>of</strong> nationalism: instances <strong>of</strong> the ‘exotic’ arise in<br />
historical narratives <strong>of</strong> the battle <strong>of</strong> Gallipoli in WWI for British Heritages and violent<br />
clashes between explorers and Indigenous Australians for Indigenous representations; and<br />
instances <strong>of</strong> the ‘banal’ are communicated through impersonal narratives about, for example,<br />
prime ministers and elections; and kinship or moiety systems. However, each type is<br />
powerful in communicating specific ideologies <strong>of</strong> how nationalism and national identity is<br />
viewed by the textbook authors and the curriculum writers, gatekeepers <strong>of</strong> the <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
knowledge.<br />
Turning now to look at the competing perspectives <strong>of</strong> the construction <strong>of</strong> the ‘nation’,<br />
particularly its relevance in contemporary contexts; Luke acknowledges the rapid<br />
acceleration <strong>of</strong> an increasingly global society, discussing the complexities <strong>of</strong> dealing with<br />
national identity and citizenship in schooling in the postindustrial world, by asserting:<br />
…postindustrial and rapidly industrialising nation states alike are engaged in<br />
ongoing, <strong>of</strong>ten acrimonious debates about whether and how schooling might respond<br />
to new forms <strong>of</strong> national identity and citizenship, and changing practices and<br />
divisions <strong>of</strong> labor generated by economic globalization and new technologies<br />
(Kellner, 1997). In spite <strong>of</strong> fears that the domination <strong>of</strong> the new public sphere by<br />
multinational media corporations would silence diasporic communities, there is<br />
52