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PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ... PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
significance (either implicitly or explicitly), the narrative genres are clearly more than an objective record of the past. (2000, p. 200) The following statement of the complexity of learning national identity through the school curriculum is made by Barnard: In a sense, history is a school subject that is set apart from other subjects…First, teaching the succeeding generations history is an important part of the process by which the officially recognized narratives of the nations are passed on down the ages to succeeding generation, and by which these generations define themselves with reference to the nation state; learning one’s history is part of the process by which citizens learn to position their country and the values that their country espouses within the wider international society. Learning the story of our country and seeking to understand the actions of our ancestors is an important part of growing up and becoming a new and responsible citizen of the state. This reason, while not an intrinsic part of the subject of history per se, for many people would nevertheless seem to be rather a natural one. The second reason why history as a school subject is set apart is an extension of the first reason—and is more controversial. History is not only seen as a matter of learning the narratives of the nation, but it is often taken for granted that one of the aims of the school subject of history is to inculcate in pupils patriotism and pride in the nation state. (2003a, p. 9) Concluding this sub section, this statement by Barnard provides insight on the philosophical structure of History as a school subject. This sees content as having a very real ideological background and political consequences for the messages it provides students to learn. Often these are implicit rather than explicit, and over time can be placed within distinct discourses, as explored in the data analysis chapters of this dissertation. 2.7.3 Constructions of the ‘nation’: Competing perspectives. As described, topics of the nation, citizenship and national identity are often combined, especially in literature that looks at the teaching of History. Identified here are examples of the sustained interest in and concern for the teaching of national history across nation states. ‘The nation’ as a construct is a relatively recent addition to how people identify themselves, emerging to replace prior identity markers (and not always completely replacing these) such as family, tribal, village, trade or religious affiliation (see, for example, Billig, 1995; Keane, 50
1995; Thompson, 1990) and often draws on common cultural, language and ethnic features (Hobsbawm, 1992; Wodak et al., 1999) as well as explicit attempts to construct a cohesive ‘nation’ (see, for example, Harrison, Jones & Lambert, 2004a), or to establish a nation of the previous empire, and as explained by Lambert in the German context “to this end, the elites whipped up aggressive, expansionist nationalism” (2004, p. 101). The development of the term nation, as a political construct used to include some and exclude others (see, for example, Lambert, 2004) highlighted by Keane who writes: From the fifteenth century onwards, the term ‘nation’ was employed increasingly for political purposes…Here ‘nation’ described a people who shared certain common laws and political institutions of a given territory. This political conception of ‘the nation’ defined and included the societas civilis—those citizens who were entitled to participate in politics and to share in the exercise of sovereignty…Struggles for participation in the state assumed the form of confrontations between the monarch and the privileged classes, which were often organized in a parliament. These classes frequently designated themselves as advocates of ‘the nation’ in the political sense of the term… During the eighteenth century, the struggle for national identity was broadened and deepened to include the non-privileged classes…From here on, in principle, the nation included everybody, not just the privileged classes; ‘the people’ and ‘the nation’ were supposed to be identical. (1995, pp. 182-183) Through analysis of the textbooks selected for this research, ways in which British heritages and Indigenous representations are included and excluded through Australian national history, and how these inclusions and exclusions are temporally located, are identified. Billig differentiates between instances of heightened nationalism that occurs, for example, in times of conflict, as “hot” (1995, p. 43) and “exotic and passionate exemplars” (1995, p. 8) and the everyday instances of nationalism, for example in national icons, “the routine and familiar” (1995, p. 8) that he calls banal nationalism. Billig expands on this, writing: These assumptions [of national identity] were not created during the moment of crisis. Nor do they disappear in between crises. But on ordinary days, they can be seen bobbing about, brought home daily on the familiar tides of banal nationalism… 51
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significance (either implicitly or explicitly), the narrative genres are clearly more<br />
than an objective record <strong>of</strong> the past. (2000, p. 200)<br />
The following statement <strong>of</strong> the complexity <strong>of</strong> learning national identity through the school<br />
curriculum is made by Barnard:<br />
In a sense, history is a school subject that is set apart from other subjects…First,<br />
teaching the succeeding generations history is an important part <strong>of</strong> the process by<br />
which the <strong>of</strong>ficially recognized narratives <strong>of</strong> the nations are passed on down the ages<br />
to succeeding generation, and by which these generations define themselves with<br />
reference to the nation state; learning one’s history is part <strong>of</strong> the process by which<br />
citizens learn to position their country and the values that their country espouses<br />
within the wider international society. Learning the story <strong>of</strong> our country and seeking<br />
to understand the actions <strong>of</strong> our ancestors is an important part <strong>of</strong> growing up and<br />
becoming a new and responsible citizen <strong>of</strong> the state. This reason, while not an<br />
intrinsic part <strong>of</strong> the subject <strong>of</strong> history per se, for many people would nevertheless<br />
seem to be rather a natural one. The second reason why history as a school subject is<br />
set apart is an extension <strong>of</strong> the first reason—and is more controversial. History is not<br />
only seen as a matter <strong>of</strong> learning the narratives <strong>of</strong> the nation, but it is <strong>of</strong>ten taken for<br />
granted that one <strong>of</strong> the aims <strong>of</strong> the school subject <strong>of</strong> history is to inculcate in pupils<br />
patriotism and pride in the nation state. (2003a, p. 9)<br />
Concluding this sub section, this statement by Barnard provides insight on the philosophical<br />
structure <strong>of</strong> History as a school subject. This sees content as having a very real ideological<br />
background and political consequences for the messages it provides students to learn. Often<br />
these are implicit rather than explicit, and over time can be placed within distinct discourses,<br />
as explored in the data analysis chapters <strong>of</strong> this dissertation.<br />
2.7.3 Constructions <strong>of</strong> the ‘nation’: Competing perspectives.<br />
As described, topics <strong>of</strong> the nation, citizenship and national identity are <strong>of</strong>ten combined,<br />
especially in literature that looks at the teaching <strong>of</strong> History. Identified here are examples <strong>of</strong><br />
the sustained interest in and concern for the teaching <strong>of</strong> national history across nation states.<br />
‘The nation’ as a construct is a relatively recent addition to how people identify themselves,<br />
emerging to replace prior identity markers (and not always completely replacing these) such<br />
as family, tribal, village, trade or religious affiliation (see, for example, Billig, 1995; Keane,<br />
50
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