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understood as part of a broader struggle around developing national and postnational forms of democracy. The relationship between culture and nationalism always bears the traces of those historical, ethical and political forces that constitute the often shifting and contradictory elements of national identity. (1998, pp. 179-180) Locating national identity within discourses of citizenship and acknowledging its collectiveness, Keane writes: …national identity is a particular form of collective identity in which, despite their routine lack of physical contact, people consider themselves bound together because they speak a language or a dialect of a common language, inhabit or are closely familiar with a defined territory, and experience its ecosystem with some affection; and because they share a variety of customs, including a measure of memories of the historical past, which is consequently experiences in the present tense as pride in the nation’s achievements and, where necessary, an obligation to feel ashamed of the nation’s failings. (1995, p. 186) Explicitly linking national identity to citizenship within a republican ideology, Giroux, writing in a study of multiculturalism in the United States: “…national identity is structured through a notion of citizenship and patriotism that subordinates ethnic, racial and cultural differences to the assimilating logic of a common culture, or, more brutally, the ‘melting pot’” (1998, p. 181). In an essay review, Ahonen links preparation for active citizenship to school History curriculum, writing: …authors…advocate history as a preparation for citizenship: through training in multiperspectival explanation and through the critical handling of evidence. The massive flood of information through the media requires the same critical literacy as an encounter with a historical source… (2001, p. 750) This connection between citizenship and national identity relates to the History curriculum analysed in this project, as it is through curriculum content that selections of “memories of the historical past” (Keane, 1995, p. 186) represent to students discourses of their national history. Whether these are through celebratory discourses or otherwise will emerge in the data analysis stages, enabling conclusions to be made about the underpinning theories of national history that have been taught to school students in Queensland over an extended period of time. Furthermore, understanding nationalism as part of cultural identity is 48

important for this project as it demonstrates the close link people have between self-identity and the ‘nation’ as a political construct. In an example of a large-scale textbook study that identified racism within Australian history and linking this to discourses of national identity, Bill Cope commends the use of school textbooks as the basis for analysis as their impact is wide reaching and significant, writing: They [school texts] are both indicative of broader shifts and very significant elements in the making of popular culture in their own right. Most of these texts achieved mass circulation, much greater that the more noteworthy contributions in high social science and historiography. They were used on the compulsory site of enculturation that is institutionalised education. School curriculum, moreover, is highly responsive to the changing cultural policies of the state, given its institutional role. Changes in historical interpretation are cruder and more clearer in school textbooks; even the big-name historians such as Russel Ward and A.G.L. Shaw, when they write for school students, use large generalisations, simplifications, condensations and interpretive homilies, which are revealing caricatures of their more guarded academic works. (1987, p. 1) Montgomery also highlights the influence textbooks have on students, arguing: Notwithstanding the potential for students to dislocate such discursive structures of dominance in their responses to the textbooks, the powerful hold of these narratives of the nation is secured by the fact that students are inducted en masse to such representations, since in order to pass the course and to graduate from high school they must prove their knowledge of their particular history… (2005, p. 439) Discussing how History is constructed and written, especially in relation to narratives presented to school students through textbooks, but also to other published histories, Coffin writes: The view that the narrative ‘far from being a neutral medium for the representation of historical events and processes, is the very stuff of a mythical view of reality’ (White, 1989: ix) challenges its role as a value-free discursive form and questions the role of the historian as an objective recorder of an indisputable past…since the events of a historical narrative are selected, ordered and attributed with historical 49

understood as part <strong>of</strong> a broader struggle around developing national and postnational<br />

forms <strong>of</strong> democracy. The relationship between culture and nationalism always bears<br />

the traces <strong>of</strong> those historical, ethical and political forces that constitute the <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

shifting and contradictory elements <strong>of</strong> national identity. (1998, pp. 179-180)<br />

Locating national identity within discourses <strong>of</strong> citizenship and acknowledging its<br />

collectiveness, Keane writes:<br />

…national identity is a particular form <strong>of</strong> collective identity in which, despite their<br />

routine lack <strong>of</strong> physical contact, people consider themselves bound together because<br />

they speak a language or a dialect <strong>of</strong> a common language, inhabit or are closely<br />

familiar with a defined territory, and experience its ecosystem with some affection;<br />

and because they share a variety <strong>of</strong> customs, including a measure <strong>of</strong> memories <strong>of</strong> the<br />

historical past, which is consequently experiences in the present tense as pride in the<br />

nation’s achievements and, where necessary, an obligation to feel ashamed <strong>of</strong> the<br />

nation’s failings. (1995, p. 186)<br />

Explicitly linking national identity to citizenship within a republican ideology, Giroux,<br />

writing in a study <strong>of</strong> multiculturalism in the United States: “…national identity is structured<br />

through a notion <strong>of</strong> citizenship and patriotism that subordinates ethnic, racial and cultural<br />

differences to the assimilating logic <strong>of</strong> a common culture, or, more brutally, the ‘melting<br />

pot’” (1998, p. 181). In an essay review, Ahonen links preparation for active citizenship to<br />

school History curriculum, writing:<br />

…authors…advocate history as a preparation for citizenship: through training in<br />

multiperspectival explanation and through the critical handling <strong>of</strong> evidence. The<br />

massive flood <strong>of</strong> information through the media requires the same critical literacy as<br />

an encounter with a historical source… (2001, p. 750)<br />

This connection between citizenship and national identity relates to the History curriculum<br />

analysed in this project, as it is through curriculum content that selections <strong>of</strong> “memories <strong>of</strong><br />

the historical past” (Keane, 1995, p. 186) represent to students discourses <strong>of</strong> their national<br />

history. Whether these are through celebratory discourses or otherwise will emerge in the<br />

data analysis stages, enabling conclusions to be made about the underpinning theories <strong>of</strong><br />

national history that have been taught to school students in Queensland over an extended<br />

period <strong>of</strong> time. Furthermore, understanding nationalism as part <strong>of</strong> cultural identity is<br />

48

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