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all literature, as a means <strong>of</strong> enmeshing children in repressive ideology…children’s literature<br />

is best understood as a means by which adults claim power over children and force them to<br />

accept our repressive versions <strong>of</strong> who they really are” (2009, p. 99). Added to this is the<br />

understanding that some assertions <strong>of</strong> power, in the case below relating to a racist discourse,<br />

are not always conscious <strong>of</strong> operating within a negative framework. Hall explains,<br />

If the media function in a systematically racist manner, it is not because they are run<br />

and organized exclusively by active racists; this is a category mistake. This would be<br />

equivalent to saying that you could change the character <strong>of</strong> the capitalist state by<br />

replacing its personnel. Whereas the media, like the state, have a structure, a set <strong>of</strong><br />

practices which are not reducible to the individuals...What is significant is not that<br />

they produce a racist ideology, from some single-minded and unified conception <strong>of</strong><br />

the world, but that they are so powerfully constrained – ‘spoken by’ – a particular set<br />

<strong>of</strong> ideological discourses. (2006, p. 405)<br />

Whilst a minimum <strong>of</strong> one resistant text (where available) will be analysed for each historical<br />

era, the main focus will be on the dominant sociopolitical discourses operating within school<br />

curriculum, with van Dijk supporting the concentration <strong>of</strong> attention on dominant discourses,<br />

by writing,<br />

Thus, although an analysis <strong>of</strong> strategies <strong>of</strong> resistance and challenge is crucial for our<br />

understanding <strong>of</strong> actual power and dominance relations in society, and although such<br />

an analysis needs to be included in a broader theory <strong>of</strong> power, counter-power and<br />

discourse, our critical approach prefers to focus on the elites and their discursive<br />

strategies for the maintenance <strong>of</strong> inequality. (2001b, p. 300)<br />

Although there may not be an intentional or cynical attempt to subjugate or marginalize<br />

certain groups, through inclusion or omission <strong>of</strong> particular curriculum content, it is likely (in<br />

view <strong>of</strong> current and past curriculum structures) that a subordinate group is created, and from<br />

the perspectives <strong>of</strong> that group, the content could legitimately be seen as a negative operation<br />

<strong>of</strong> power. This is the case, even if the group being subjugated is unaware <strong>of</strong> this, or has<br />

adopted the perspectives <strong>of</strong> the dominant group through the acculturation <strong>of</strong> messages<br />

received about themselves from both dominant sociopolitical discourses in society and the<br />

school curriculum. Tyrwhitt-Drake (1999) explains this as dominant groups being able to<br />

garner the general consent <strong>of</strong> otherwise subordinate groups to enact their will. Furthermore,<br />

regarding exercising power, van Dijk writes “…when present as participants, members <strong>of</strong> less<br />

43

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