PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ... PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
Moving to focus on those who hold responsibility for curriculum construction, Apple (200), who with a tendency to be generally negative about the dominant discourses that operate in schools, especially those in United States schools, admits that when investigating texts used in schools, which then form the official knowledge, “…power is not only a negative concept” (p. 5); a view also shared by van Dijk (2001b). Apple goes on to further explain that whilst it can be used to subject groups with less power and ability to influence policy, it can also be a sign that institutions are responding to “…our more democratic needs and hopes” (2000, p. 5). Of the maintenance of hegemonic control, even with inclusions of ‘fringe’ content Hall, drawing on the work of Gramsci, writes: Hegemony is constructed, through a complex series of process of struggle. It is not given either in the existing structure of society or in the given class structure of a mode of production. It cannot be constructed once and for all, since the balance of social forces on which it rests is subject to continuing evolution and development, depending on how a variety of struggles are conducted. Hegemony, once achieved, must be constantly and ceaselessly renewed, re-enacted. This implies a conception of the process of social reproduction as continuous and contradictory—the very opposite of a functional achievement. (1988, pp. 53-54) To conclude, Apple reminds us that texts have multiple readings contained within them and there cannot be one way to interpret those meanings, even in curriculum documents that purport to tell ‘the truth’. Therefore it is important to “…be willing to ‘read’ our own meanings of a text, to interpret our own interpretations…” (Apple, 2000, p. 58). This is a particularly important factor to consider when analysing textbook content, or any other text, that form parts of the official knowledge of a school curriculum. 2.4 Defining hegemony as ideological power. The analysis of hegemonic power defined by Gramsci and as exercised by those who have access to decision making processes, such as determining schools’ official knowledge, is relevant to this project. Supporting this approach, Luke contends that “like many other forms of contemporary social theory, the generational basis of CDA can be traced to the political events of 1968. This would include neoMarxist theories of interpellation and hegemony, as in…interpretations of Gramsci and Althusser…” (2002, p. 98, emphasis added; see also Wodak & De Cillia, 2006). The definition of hegemony used here derives from Gramsci’s latter work, the period of his imprisonment and published in his posthumous texts, known 36
widely and most commonly as the Prison Notebooks (or, Quaderni del carcere). It is during this period that Gramsci extrapolated and refined his understanding of hegemony (Bellamy, 1994). Hegemony is taken to mean, “…‘cultural, moral and ideological’ leadership over allied and subordinate groups” (Forgacs, 2000, p. 423). Added to this, hegemony also means “…the process of transaction, negotiation and compromise that takes place between ruling and subaltern groups…” (S. Jones, 2006, p.10). It is also “…used to explain what happens when one group of people or one way of thinking is so powerful that it is considered ‘natural’ and ‘normal’ and what others may do or think that is contrary or different is considered ‘unnatural’ or ‘abnormal’, if it is even recognized at all” (Thayer-Bacon & Moyer, 2006, p. 140). This links with the view of curriculum as ‘common sense’ detailed earlier. To bring together the definitions provided thus far of hegemony, the following from Fairclough provides a clear understanding of this concept as it relates to CDA, writing: ‘Hegemony’ is a term used by Gramsci (Forgacs, 1988) and others for talking about power and struggles over power. It emphasizes forms of power which depend upon consent rather than coercion. The hegemony of the dominant social class or classalliance depends upon winning the consent (or at least acquiescence) of the majority to existing social arrangements (2001, p. 232). A broader definition of this term, which is not in conflict with the one by Fairclough, can be understood as: Hegemony is a concept that helps to explain, on the one hand, how state apparatuses, or political society—supported by and supporting a specific economic group—can coerce, via its institutions of law, police, army and prisons, the various strata of society into consenting to the status quo. On the other hand, and more importantly, hegemony is a concept that helps us to understand not only the state apparatuses of political society in the preservation of the status quo, but also how and where political society, and, above all, civil society, within its institutions ranging from education, religion and the family to the microstructures of the practices of everyday life, contribute to the production of meaning and values which in turn produce, direct and maintain the ‘spontaneous’ consent of the various strata to that same status quo. (Holub, 1992, p. 6) Within a schooling context, and specifically applicable to curriculum, Apple writes, “the key to winning, to establishing hegemony, is usually that group which can establish the 37
- Page 1: University of Southern Queensland C
- Page 5: Certification of Dissertation I cer
- Page 8 and 9: for and receive a scholarship so th
- Page 10 and 11: 5.4 Category 1: Privileging British
- Page 12 and 13: List of Figures Figure 3.1 Structur
- Page 14 and 15: Appendices Appendix A: Contexts…
- Page 16 and 17: through The Courier Mail, as well a
- Page 18 and 19: A syllabus in the Queensland school
- Page 20 and 21: after World War I (WWI); the Austra
- Page 22 and 23: Settler and Savage: One hundred yea
- Page 24 and 25: 3. What discourses of British Herit
- Page 26 and 27: Howard in 2007; arguably a point in
- Page 28 and 29: 2.1.2 Key concepts and terms. As wi
- Page 30 and 31: Giroux & Purpel, 1983; Whitty, 1985
- Page 32 and 33: that Bruner mentions are prepositio
- Page 34 and 35: kind of private property handed dow
- Page 36 and 37: The information presented thus far
- Page 38 and 39: English (AATE) used an editorial of
- Page 40 and 41: 2.3 Defining Textbooks One importan
- Page 42 and 43: textbooks are...a very important ve
- Page 44 and 45: which the learner is subject, but t
- Page 46 and 47: Although Issitt (2004) contends tha
- Page 48 and 49: intended set of learnings are infor
- Page 52 and 53: parameters of the terms of the deba
- Page 54 and 55: Similarly, Woodfin asserts “in es
- Page 56 and 57: 1996, pp. 8-9). Luke further discus
- Page 58 and 59: powerful groups may also otherwise
- Page 60 and 61: 2.7.1 Theories of national identity
- Page 62 and 63: understood as part of a broader str
- Page 64 and 65: significance (either implicitly or
- Page 66 and 67: …in the established nations, ther
- Page 68 and 69: The ‘history wars’ in Australia
- Page 70 and 71: In academia, the move is away from
- Page 72 and 73: and its internal and external other
- Page 74 and 75: Whilst this may be an extreme examp
- Page 76 and 77: conducted for this project due to t
- Page 78 and 79: Table 2.2 The Two Traditions of His
- Page 80 and 81: puts emphasis on the celebration of
- Page 82 and 83: emaining the same throughout. Stude
- Page 84 and 85: As one of few (current) educators i
- Page 86 and 87: A researcher bricoleur carefully se
- Page 88 and 89: approaches. What bricolage does off
- Page 90 and 91: and modification” (Reitstaetter,
- Page 92 and 93: icolage, interpretive bricolage, po
- Page 94 and 95: approaches, processes of further en
- Page 96 and 97: historical studies and more (see, f
- Page 98 and 99: A criticism made by Blommaert that
widely and most commonly as the Prison Notebooks (or, Quaderni del carcere). It is during<br />
this period that Gramsci extrapolated and refined his understanding <strong>of</strong> hegemony (Bellamy,<br />
1994). Hegemony is taken to mean, “…‘cultural, moral and ideological’ leadership over<br />
allied and subordinate groups” (Forgacs, 2000, p. 423). Added to this, hegemony also means<br />
“…the process <strong>of</strong> transaction, negotiation and compromise that takes place between ruling<br />
and subaltern groups…” (S. Jones, 2006, p.10). It is also “…used to explain what happens<br />
when one group <strong>of</strong> people or one way <strong>of</strong> thinking is so powerful that it is considered ‘natural’<br />
and ‘normal’ and what others may do or think that is contrary or different is considered<br />
‘unnatural’ or ‘abnormal’, if it is even recognized at all” (Thayer-Bacon & Moyer, 2006, p.<br />
140). This links with the view <strong>of</strong> curriculum as ‘common sense’ detailed earlier. To bring<br />
together the definitions provided thus far <strong>of</strong> hegemony, the following from Fairclough<br />
provides a clear understanding <strong>of</strong> this concept as it relates to CDA, writing:<br />
‘Hegemony’ is a term used by Gramsci (Forgacs, 1988) and others for talking about<br />
power and struggles over power. It emphasizes forms <strong>of</strong> power which depend upon<br />
consent rather than coercion. The hegemony <strong>of</strong> the dominant social class or classalliance<br />
depends upon winning the consent (or at least acquiescence) <strong>of</strong> the majority<br />
to existing social arrangements (2001, p. 232).<br />
A broader definition <strong>of</strong> this term, which is not in conflict with the one by Fairclough, can be<br />
understood as:<br />
Hegemony is a concept that helps to explain, on the one hand, how state apparatuses,<br />
or political society—supported by and supporting a specific economic group—can<br />
coerce, via its institutions <strong>of</strong> law, police, army and prisons, the various strata <strong>of</strong><br />
society into consenting to the status quo. On the other hand, and more importantly,<br />
hegemony is a concept that helps us to understand not only the state apparatuses <strong>of</strong><br />
political society in the preservation <strong>of</strong> the status quo, but also how and where<br />
political society, and, above all, civil society, within its institutions ranging from<br />
education, religion and the family to the microstructures <strong>of</strong> the practices <strong>of</strong> everyday<br />
life, contribute to the production <strong>of</strong> meaning and values which in turn produce, direct<br />
and maintain the ‘spontaneous’ consent <strong>of</strong> the various strata to that same status quo.<br />
(Holub, 1992, p. 6)<br />
Within a schooling context, and specifically applicable to curriculum, Apple writes, “the key<br />
to winning, to establishing hegemony, is usually that group which can establish the<br />
37