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elativism in school curriculum, specifically in relation to religion and history which he views as encompassing “...a postmodern view of the world, one where there are no absolutes and where knowledge is subjective, students are also told that historical understanding is multiple, conflicting and partial...” (Donnelly, 2006b, p. 12). A1.8.2 National curriculum. Criticisms of the impact of the history/culture wars in school classrooms have boosted support from conservatives (politically right-wing) and non conservatives (politically leftwing) alike for the implementation of the proposed national curriculum. The emergence in the current plan to implement a national curriculum (commenced by the Howard Government and continued by the Labor Government), can be seen in relation to the sustained criticism of state-based syllabuses, particularly those of English and SOSE. Since the National History Summit held in Canberra in August 2006, there has been sustained interest in the school History curriculum, evident through media reports and other publications. The summit was held, due to Howard’s view that school history was “...taught...as some kind of fragmented stew of moods and events, rather than some kind of proper narrative” (Salusinszky & Ferrari, 2006, p. 1). The outcome of the summit was a communiqué providing an overview of a proposed Australian history curriculum. It stated that “Australian history ‘should be sequentially planned through primary and secondary schooling and should be distinct subjects in years 9 and 10’ as an ‘essential and required core part of all students’ learning experience’” (Kelly, 2006, p. 20). A direct relationship between the history/culture wars and education is made evident with Kevin Donnelly’s welcoming of the Howard government’s proposed national curriculum. Writing in The Weekend Australian, Donnelly; who appears to have amnesia from his prior statement in The Weekend Australian of “...judged by the attempt already under way, represented by the Australian Statements of Learning in maths, English and civics, there are dangers in imposing a national approach” (2006c, p. 24, emphasis added); now asserted “Prime Minister John Howard’s intervention in the culture wars, represented by the proposed Australian history guide for years 9 and 10 of high school, has drawn a chorus of criticism from the usual suspects” (Donnelly, 2007b, p. 24). Here, Donnelly attempts to create or at the very least prolong argument that in order to revert the influence of the “cultural Left” (Donnelly, 2007b, p. 24), a national curriculum needs to be established so that, unlike the current state-specific SOSE syllabuses, History is taught as a “...stand-alone subject, and its 488
authors bite the bullet and stipulate in details a series of topics, milestones and essential content that all students need to learn if they are to understand and appreciate the nation’s past” (Donnelly, 2007b, p. 24). It is claimed that the national history summit, aside from the obvious politicking of school education, was set up as a response in part: ...of a sense, shared by many teachers on the ground, that the narrative context of history generally, and Australian history particularly, has been lost in our schools and that the subject, to quote John Howard...’is taught without any sense of structured narrative, replaced by a fragmented stew of themes and issues’. (Salusinszky, 2006, p. 25) Politicians with a deep interest in History teaching in schools such as John Howard, thenfederal Education Minister Julie Bishop, then-federal Opposition Education spokesperson Jenny Macklin, former federal Education Minister Brendan Nelson, retired former NSW Premier Bob Carr and others, have contributed significantly to the national curriculum debate, by attending summits and voicing their opinions in other public domains. Demonstrating the bi-partisan nature of this debate both Julie Bishop and Jenny Macklin publically supported the proposed implementation of Australian history as a distinct subject within the national curriculum. Bishop, in emphasising the perceived need of teaching History as a separate and distinct subject, is quoted by Kelly as stating, “We should seriously question, for example, the experiment of mushing up history in studies of society and environment. There is a growing body of evidence that this experiment is failing our children.” Macklin supported this reflecting on the “...history summit as ‘an important opportunity to do something lasting and positive for the teaching of Australian history’” (Kelly, 2006, p. 20). Disagreements between historians and history educators on the best approach to teach history in schools were prolific during the time period of 2006 onwards. Played out in Letters to the Editor pages (see, for example The Weekend Australian, 19-20 August 2006; 28-29 January 2006), there was much debate about the relative merits of narrative approach, thematic approach, and History versus Social Studies. Key players of this aspect of the history/culture wars on a national level such as Tony Taylor and Greg Melleuish and those on a Queensland level such as Deborah Henderson expressed their views through this channel. Melleuish, 489
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authors bite the bullet and stipulate in details a series <strong>of</strong> topics, milestones and essential<br />
content that all students need to learn if they are to understand and appreciate the nation’s<br />
past” (Donnelly, 2007b, p. 24).<br />
It is claimed that the national history summit, aside from the obvious politicking <strong>of</strong> school<br />
education, was set up as a response in part:<br />
...<strong>of</strong> a sense, shared by many teachers on the ground, that the narrative context <strong>of</strong><br />
history generally, and Australian history particularly, has been lost in our schools and<br />
that the subject, to quote John Howard...’is taught without any sense <strong>of</strong> structured<br />
narrative, replaced by a fragmented stew <strong>of</strong> themes and issues’. (Salusinszky, 2006,<br />
p. 25)<br />
Politicians with a deep interest in History teaching in schools such as John Howard, thenfederal<br />
Education Minister Julie Bishop, then-federal Opposition Education spokesperson<br />
Jenny Macklin, former federal Education Minister Brendan Nelson, retired former NSW<br />
Premier Bob Carr and others, have contributed significantly to the national curriculum<br />
debate, by attending summits and voicing their opinions in other public domains.<br />
Demonstrating the bi-partisan nature <strong>of</strong> this debate both Julie Bishop and Jenny Macklin<br />
publically supported the proposed implementation <strong>of</strong> Australian history as a distinct subject<br />
within the national curriculum. Bishop, in emphasising the perceived need <strong>of</strong> teaching<br />
History as a separate and distinct subject, is quoted by Kelly as stating, “We should seriously<br />
question, for example, the experiment <strong>of</strong> mushing up history in studies <strong>of</strong> society and<br />
environment. There is a growing body <strong>of</strong> evidence that this experiment is failing our<br />
children.” Macklin supported this reflecting on the “...history summit as ‘an important<br />
opportunity to do something lasting and positive for the teaching <strong>of</strong> Australian history’”<br />
(Kelly, 2006, p. 20).<br />
Disagreements between historians and history educators on the best approach to teach history<br />
in schools were prolific during the time period <strong>of</strong> 2006 onwards. Played out in Letters to the<br />
Editor pages (see, for example The Weekend Australian, 19-20 August 2006; 28-29 January<br />
2006), there was much debate about the relative merits <strong>of</strong> narrative approach, thematic<br />
approach, and History versus Social Studies. Key players <strong>of</strong> this aspect <strong>of</strong> the history/culture<br />
wars on a national level such as Tony Taylor and Greg Melleuish and those on a Queensland<br />
level such as Deborah Henderson expressed their views through this channel. Melleuish,<br />
489