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over...an overrun of divisive multicultural rhetoric” (Montgomery, 2005, p. 429, emphasis added). Creating links between public debates and school curriculum has also featured in recent times in Malaysia. Although Cullip’s research focuses mainly on structures of language within a school textbook, he does broaden his scope to connect non-school understandings of history to that found in Malaysian textbooks by writing, ...to make history work as a ‘discipline’, the building and organization of its meanings would need to take place with minimal contest from nationalistic and paternalistic forces...Reform, if serious, must recognize the trade-offs that will need to be made between disciplinary and pedagogical objectives and conservative ideological and socio-political motivations and purposes. This will be the dilemma for a rapidly-changing society struggling with the accommodation of diverse ideologies, and purposes. (Cullip, 2007, p. 210) What has been presented here is a very brief overview of an emerging field of study, particularly of interest to researchers in the field of functional linguistics and CDA. There are many more examples of the application of school History textbook content to specific, narrowly focused public debates, such as Tampke’s (2006) investigation of modern German history; Moughrabi’s (2001) link to Palestinian history; and Foster and Crawford’s (2006) collection of research essays from a diverse range of nations addressing contemporary issues of national identities within textbooks. A1.4 Major Shifts in the History/Culture Wars Two distinct sides of the history/cultures wars debates are encapsulated through the following statements by leading commentators, historian Geoffrey Blainey (see quote on page 440) and former Labor Prime Minister, Paul Keating. Those who militantly defend the conservative orthodoxy in Australia see all change as an affront to the past, especially their view of the past. Whereas, knowing the past and seeing it for what it is with all its blemishes, allows us to divine our destiny for our appointment with reality. Paul Keating, Keating’s history wars, 5 September 2003 (Keating, 2003, p. 2). 452

Major shifts in the history/culture wars are depicted in Figure A1.2: Timeline of major shifts in the history/culture wars 1993-2008. Criteria for the identification and selection of these major shifts are: 1. When a new point or perspective entered the public domain; and 2. When this point received widespread response; including 3. Key people who have consistently been part of the ongoing debate. 4. Major political events that are seen to contribute to the continuation, proliferation or end of the history/culture wars; and/or 5. School contexts (including those related to curriculum) seen to be impacted by debates. Figure A1.1: History Wars Keating Manning Clark Blainey. Leading up to the Black Armband speech, where Blainey called for a “swing of the pendulum” (Blainey, 2005, p. 32), national history had already entered public imagination with discussion influenced by, amongst many other things, the following issues: Australia’s 1988 bicentennial celebrations; Paul Keating’s 1993 Redfern address; and Manning Clark’s publications on Australian history in the decade leading up to the 1988 bicentennial. So, although Blainey’s speech provides a starting point for the history/culture wars, it can be seen within a larger socio-political national context, the three significant issues mentioned (although not necessarily directly influencing this speech) form part of the larger discourse that this speech influenced and ignited the history/culture wars. Between the major shifts of the history/culture wars, debate momentum was sustained in the main from continued media, political and general public interest. Representing the two sides of the debate were Manning Clark and Paul Keating on the politically left or ‘Black armband’ side and John Howard and Geoffrey Blainey on the politically right or ‘Three cheers’ side, depicted by well-known 453

Major shifts in the history/culture wars are depicted in Figure A1.2: Timeline <strong>of</strong> major shifts<br />

in the history/culture wars 1993-2008. Criteria for the identification and selection <strong>of</strong> these<br />

major shifts are:<br />

1. When a new point or perspective entered the public domain; and<br />

2. When this point received widespread response; including<br />

3. Key people who have consistently been part <strong>of</strong> the ongoing debate.<br />

4. Major political events that are seen to contribute to the continuation, proliferation or<br />

end <strong>of</strong> the history/culture wars; and/or<br />

5. School contexts (including those related to curriculum) seen to be impacted by<br />

debates.<br />

Figure A1.1: History Wars Keating Manning Clark Blainey.<br />

Leading up to the Black Armband speech, where Blainey called for a “swing <strong>of</strong> the<br />

pendulum” (Blainey, 2005, p. 32), national history had already entered public imagination<br />

with discussion influenced by, amongst many other things, the following issues: Australia’s<br />

1988 bicentennial celebrations; Paul Keating’s 1993 Redfern address; and Manning Clark’s<br />

publications on Australian history in the decade leading up to the 1988 bicentennial. So,<br />

although Blainey’s speech provides a starting point for the history/culture wars, it can be seen<br />

within a larger socio-political national context, the three significant issues mentioned<br />

(although not necessarily directly influencing this speech) form part <strong>of</strong> the larger discourse<br />

that this speech influenced and ignited the history/culture wars. Between the major shifts <strong>of</strong><br />

the history/culture wars, debate momentum was sustained in the main from continued media,<br />

political and general public interest. Representing the two sides <strong>of</strong> the debate were Manning<br />

Clark and Paul Keating on the politically left or ‘Black armband’ side and John Howard and<br />

Ge<strong>of</strong>frey Blainey on the politically right or ‘Three cheers’ side, depicted by well-known<br />

453

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