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Although Issitt (2004) contends that textbooks are an avenue to promote certain viewpoints and dominant discourses, and that this may be a conscious act, he writes in the case of nondominant content and views that are included, that this is an inadvertent inclusion. Other researchers, such as Apple (1993, 2000, 2004) and Whitty (1985) see the inclusion and exclusion of content as a conscious act to determine the official knowledge present in school curriculum through textbooks, with Whitty stating, “the texts, then, serve to emphasize and legitimate the existence and activities of some groups at the expense of others” (1985, p. 41). Issitt surmises this part of the argument with the following statement “in its role as an essential site of learning, the textbook is a key mechanism for the production and reproduction of ideas” (2004, p. 688). Both Apple (1993, 2000, 2004) and Issitt (2004) agree that textbooks are not politically neutral, although they may appear to be, and are usually promoted as natural publications, with Issitt writing “…their status as ideologically neutral is rarely sustainable and their apolitical veneer easily stripped off” (2004, p. 688). Within attempts to maintain specific ideological views through textbook content, the subject of national identity formation through national history is important to critique and understand for the ways it is covered through school texts. For example, Patrick Brindle comments that of textbooks published in the UK during the inter-war period, they were “particularly…concerned with strong narrative and their…affinity towards a mainstream, national heritage based upon a canon of recurring stories about figures and events from the past…” (1997, p. 1). The same can be applied in the Queensland context, in the period of the early to mid 20 th century, whereby nationalist discourses were starting to emerge and a canon of stories linked to Australia’s emerging nationhood began to be sustained (see, for example, Dunlop & Palfrey, 1932a analysed in Chapter 5: Before and Immediately After WWI). Through these examples, the notion of creating a hegemonic sense of national identity is apparent. It is also evident that one purpose textbooks aim to serve is the promotion of national pride through select events and people deemed important in the nation’s development and history (a topic discussed in greater depth in Constructions of national identity through school curriculum section of this chapter). 2.3.3 Hidden curriculum within textbooks. The focus of Jackson’s (1968) initial conceptualisation of the hidden curriculum is towards pedagogical and behavioural practices, for example as seen through the following statement 32

that appeared as part of his definition (and extends on the definition provided earlier in this chapter): As has already been suggested in the discussion of praise in the classroom, the reward system of the school is linked to success in both curriculums. Indeed, many of the rewards and punishments that sound as if they are being dispensed on the basis of academic success and failure are really more closely related to the mastery of the hidden curriculum... It is difficult to imagine any of today’s teachers, particularly those in elementary schools, failing a student who tries, even though his mastery of course content is slight...Although it offends our sensibilities to admit it, no doubt that bright-eyed little girl who stands trembling before the principal on graduation day arrived there at least in part because she typed her weekly themes neatly and handed her homework in on time. (1968, p. 34) This emphasis on pedagogy and schooling practices also remains the centre point for most research on the concept of hidden curriculum. See, for example, the edited work of Hansen et al. (2007); its application to pedagogical practices in Giroux (2006); its role in the processes of schooling in Giroux and Purpel (1983); locating the hidden curriculum within existing practices (Martin, 1983); its relevance within educational policy (Whitty & Power, 2002); and theorising its application in sociology of education (Hickey & Austin, 2006). However, the focus that this project adopts is its application to the official knowledge of the school curriculum (as an explicit component of classroom academic learning), and more specifically, to textbooks. This is seen for example, in research on American history textbooks by Carlson that “...serve to legitimate a dominant Cold War ideological interpretation of the world consistent with the assumptions and interests of elite economic groups” (1989, p. 50); an overview of research conducted primarily in the USA on this topic (Pinar et al., 2002); and Cope’s study of New South Wales social science texts, explaining it as: “...there is meaning ascribed to ethnicity, if not explicitly, then in a hidden curriculum of cultural contents” (1987, p. 78). Given the focus on curriculum, the following statement by Smith and Lovat is therefore more readily applicable to this project. ...the ‘hidden curriculum’ may be thought of as outcomes from...learning activities that are not part of the explicit intentions of those responsible for the planning of those activities. Among the outcomes that can result from a non-explicitly 33

Although Issitt (2004) contends that textbooks are an avenue to promote certain viewpoints<br />

and dominant discourses, and that this may be a conscious act, he writes in the case <strong>of</strong> nondominant<br />

content and views that are included, that this is an inadvertent inclusion. Other<br />

researchers, such as Apple (1993, 2000, 2004) and Whitty (1985) see the inclusion and<br />

exclusion <strong>of</strong> content as a conscious act to determine the <strong>of</strong>ficial knowledge present in school<br />

curriculum through textbooks, with Whitty stating, “the texts, then, serve to emphasize and<br />

legitimate the existence and activities <strong>of</strong> some groups at the expense <strong>of</strong> others” (1985, p. 41).<br />

Issitt surmises this part <strong>of</strong> the argument with the following statement “in its role as an<br />

essential site <strong>of</strong> learning, the textbook is a key mechanism for the production and<br />

reproduction <strong>of</strong> ideas” (2004, p. 688). Both Apple (1993, 2000, 2004) and Issitt (2004) agree<br />

that textbooks are not politically neutral, although they may appear to be, and are usually<br />

promoted as natural publications, with Issitt writing “…their status as ideologically neutral is<br />

rarely sustainable and their apolitical veneer easily stripped <strong>of</strong>f” (2004, p. 688).<br />

Within attempts to maintain specific ideological views through textbook content, the subject<br />

<strong>of</strong> national identity formation through national history is important to critique and understand<br />

for the ways it is covered through school texts. For example, Patrick Brindle comments that<br />

<strong>of</strong> textbooks published in the UK during the inter-war period, they were<br />

“particularly…concerned with strong narrative and their…affinity towards a mainstream,<br />

national heritage based upon a canon <strong>of</strong> recurring stories about figures and events from the<br />

past…” (1997, p. 1). The same can be applied in the Queensland context, in the period <strong>of</strong> the<br />

early to mid 20 th century, whereby nationalist discourses were starting to emerge and a canon<br />

<strong>of</strong> stories linked to Australia’s emerging nationhood began to be sustained (see, for example,<br />

Dunlop & Palfrey, 1932a analysed in Chapter 5: Before and Immediately After WWI).<br />

Through these examples, the notion <strong>of</strong> creating a hegemonic sense <strong>of</strong> national identity is<br />

apparent. It is also evident that one purpose textbooks aim to serve is the promotion <strong>of</strong><br />

national pride through select events and people deemed important in the nation’s<br />

development and history (a topic discussed in greater depth in Constructions <strong>of</strong> national<br />

identity through school curriculum section <strong>of</strong> this chapter).<br />

2.3.3 Hidden curriculum within textbooks.<br />

The focus <strong>of</strong> Jackson’s (1968) initial conceptualisation <strong>of</strong> the hidden curriculum is towards<br />

pedagogical and behavioural practices, for example as seen through the following statement<br />

32

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