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PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...

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terminology <strong>of</strong> European is stated where Britain would be more appropriate and historically<br />

accurate (for example the colonization <strong>of</strong> the Australian continent by Great Britain marked by<br />

the arrival <strong>of</strong> the First Fleet); they are included in much greater depth in the junior high<br />

school years.<br />

This presents as an example <strong>of</strong> the dichotomy in History curriculum and the silences that<br />

operate. It is not overtly stated, and nor is there an overt comparison between British<br />

heritages and Indigenous heritages, whereby one is placed above the other as superior or<br />

more important. However, the hidden messages <strong>of</strong> the curriculum become obvious when<br />

conducting an analysis <strong>of</strong> textbooks across school grades in the same era and the two<br />

exemplar topics are tracked consistently. Here it emerges that British heritages are considered<br />

far more important than Indigenous representations, effectively placing British heritages in<br />

the canon <strong>of</strong> Australian history (so far as school curriculum goes) and Indigenous<br />

representations firmly on the fringe <strong>of</strong> history content, usually included as bridging topics to<br />

units <strong>of</strong> work (see, for example Primary Social Studies sourcebook year 5, Department <strong>of</strong><br />

Education, 1988a). Indigenous histories are interesting to learn, whereas histories <strong>of</strong> British<br />

heritages are important to learn is the dominant perspective communicated, when viewing the<br />

curriculum in its entirety, not as individual textbooks or school year levels.<br />

One <strong>of</strong> the most significant and constant changes that can be seen in textbooks during this<br />

era, is that representations <strong>of</strong> Indigenous Australians are no longer mediated through their<br />

inclusion with stories <strong>of</strong> other historical events, for example the way Indigenous Australians<br />

had been included on the fringe <strong>of</strong> stories <strong>of</strong> early inland exploration in previous eras. Instead<br />

Indigenous Australians during this era were included as having their own, legitimate history<br />

as a distinct group, much in the same way as other groups were represented in History<br />

textbooks during this era, whether categorised by racial grouping, such as the case with race<br />

relations in the USA; or some other demographic, for example emancipation <strong>of</strong> women (see,<br />

for example, Cowie, 1982). However, this also has a downside in that Indigenous<br />

representations are still not being represented anywhere else in the curriculum outside <strong>of</strong><br />

Indigenous specific content, maintaining the positioning <strong>of</strong> Indigenous Australians on the<br />

peripheral <strong>of</strong> history. Indigenous Australians are located distinctly by themselves, and the<br />

only times Indigenous representations are included are during specific units about Indigenous<br />

peoples, cultures <strong>of</strong> events. So, Indigenous representations are not seen throughout the<br />

general curriculum, in images <strong>of</strong> families, celebrations, and other support images. On the rare<br />

402

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