PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ... PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
English (AATE) used an editorial of the Association’s journal, English in Australia, to promote his personal political views related to the attempt by conservative politicians to create a binary of ‘common sense’ and ‘ideological’ curriculum. Specifically, he wrote: Our current students face a relentless barrage of shock-jocks, media barons, advertising and corporate greed masquerading as common sense. Of course the overtly critical-ethical from teachers will be labeled ‘ideological’, while the overtly political from the media barons, the corporate and the Liberals in ‘neutral’. Does this mean becoming smarter in representing ourselves? Does it mean having to have a deliberate and conscious ethical and critical agenda? (2004, p. 8, emphasis added) Other educators and education researchers link the appeal of ‘common sense’, ‘back to basic’ and ‘ideological neutral’ education to neo-conservatives (from all major political parties, not solely the traditionally conservative), and identify instances of this discourse operating in school curriculum. This is particularly the case when discussing the proposed Australian national curriculum, as an editorial from The Australian asserted: …while the proposal may put the teachers unions offside, it represents a dose of common sense on an issue of long-term national importance. There is no good reason for a country of 20 million people to host eight separate state and territory educational systems, each developing their own syllabuses…Giving the federal government central control of the nation's curriculum would also serve to increase accountability and transparency… (Editorial: The advantages of a national approach, 2007, para. 1) In the context of the history/culture wars, Parkes identifies discourses of commonsense in History curriculum as being almost like an ideology in and of itself, advocated by neoconservatives such as Blainey, Donnelly and Howard. Parkes writes, in a similar view to that expressed by Sawyer, “what is common…is the accusation that new historiography is politically motivated and ideologically laden, while the critic’s own version of history is ‘just the facts’” (2007, p. 389). The impact of the neo-conservative agenda in pushing a ‘commonsense’ approach to curriculum cannot be underestimated and fits with aims to reproduce conservative dominant discourses in schooling. Hodge and Kress write of this type of politicking representation as: 24
In short, this set of semiotic features, of representational resources, suggests and implies, and I would wish to say, over the longer period produces a particular disposition, a particular habitus and, in so doing, plays its part in the production of a certain kind of subjectivity, a subjectivity with certain orientations to ‘rationality.’ (as cited in Widdowson, 1998, p. 139) Language use within curriculum documents has also been identified as a way the curriculum attempts to communicate implicit common sense understandings, which depending on the teacher will vary significantly with no common term existing for certain terms (see, for example the link of common sense to global education in Dyer, 2005; and the link between common sense to social education in Gilbert, 2003). An example is identified by Halbert in her analysis of the 2004 Modern History syllabus for senior years in Queensland and writes of the citizenship aims: Specific aims listed in the rationale...are imbedded with key terms that are used without definition, and thus, effectively draw on assumed commonsense meanings. Thus, for instance the opening phrase includes the term ‘society’s citizens’ (QSA, 2004, p. 1). It offers no definition of either ‘society’ or ‘citizen’. Such terms are richly complex... (2006, p. 4) Disagreeing with the notion of a firm common sense is also identified by British historian Arthur Marwick in the general theory of historical research, whereby he writes: ...history is based on the primary sources, and the primary sources left by past societies can reveal beliefs and actions which totally defy what would today be considered ‘common sense’. Commons sense might tell us that when misery, and oppression, and injustice are heaped on subordinate peoples, they will rise up in revolt; but this is by no means necessarily the case...Human beings in the past have not always, or even usually, behaved completely rationally...so common sense is a poor guide to how, and why, people behaved in the past. (2001, p. 249, emphasis added) In this statement, Marwick clearly articulates practical examples to support his perspective that common sense cannot be used by historians to explain the behaviours and actions of people. This links broadly with the topic of this section, being that common sense as a term used in historical study and research is problematic. 25
- Page 1: University of Southern Queensland C
- Page 5: Certification of Dissertation I cer
- Page 8 and 9: for and receive a scholarship so th
- Page 10 and 11: 5.4 Category 1: Privileging British
- Page 12 and 13: List of Figures Figure 3.1 Structur
- Page 14 and 15: Appendices Appendix A: Contexts…
- Page 16 and 17: through The Courier Mail, as well a
- Page 18 and 19: A syllabus in the Queensland school
- Page 20 and 21: after World War I (WWI); the Austra
- Page 22 and 23: Settler and Savage: One hundred yea
- Page 24 and 25: 3. What discourses of British Herit
- Page 26 and 27: Howard in 2007; arguably a point in
- Page 28 and 29: 2.1.2 Key concepts and terms. As wi
- Page 30 and 31: Giroux & Purpel, 1983; Whitty, 1985
- Page 32 and 33: that Bruner mentions are prepositio
- Page 34 and 35: kind of private property handed dow
- Page 36 and 37: The information presented thus far
- Page 40 and 41: 2.3 Defining Textbooks One importan
- Page 42 and 43: textbooks are...a very important ve
- Page 44 and 45: which the learner is subject, but t
- Page 46 and 47: Although Issitt (2004) contends tha
- Page 48 and 49: intended set of learnings are infor
- Page 50 and 51: Moving to focus on those who hold r
- Page 52 and 53: parameters of the terms of the deba
- Page 54 and 55: Similarly, Woodfin asserts “in es
- Page 56 and 57: 1996, pp. 8-9). Luke further discus
- Page 58 and 59: powerful groups may also otherwise
- Page 60 and 61: 2.7.1 Theories of national identity
- Page 62 and 63: understood as part of a broader str
- Page 64 and 65: significance (either implicitly or
- Page 66 and 67: …in the established nations, ther
- Page 68 and 69: The ‘history wars’ in Australia
- Page 70 and 71: In academia, the move is away from
- Page 72 and 73: and its internal and external other
- Page 74 and 75: Whilst this may be an extreme examp
- Page 76 and 77: conducted for this project due to t
- Page 78 and 79: Table 2.2 The Two Traditions of His
- Page 80 and 81: puts emphasis on the celebration of
- Page 82 and 83: emaining the same throughout. Stude
- Page 84 and 85: As one of few (current) educators i
- Page 86 and 87: A researcher bricoleur carefully se
In short, this set <strong>of</strong> semiotic features, <strong>of</strong> representational resources, suggests and<br />
implies, and I would wish to say, over the longer period produces a particular<br />
disposition, a particular habitus and, in so doing, plays its part in the production <strong>of</strong> a<br />
certain kind <strong>of</strong> subjectivity, a subjectivity with certain orientations to ‘rationality.’<br />
(as cited in Widdowson, 1998, p. 139)<br />
Language use within curriculum documents has also been identified as a way the curriculum<br />
attempts to communicate implicit common sense understandings, which depending on the<br />
teacher will vary significantly with no common term existing for certain terms (see, for<br />
example the link <strong>of</strong> common sense to global education in Dyer, 2005; and the link between<br />
common sense to social education in Gilbert, 2003). An example is identified by Halbert in<br />
her analysis <strong>of</strong> the 2004 Modern History syllabus for senior years in Queensland and writes<br />
<strong>of</strong> the citizenship aims:<br />
Specific aims listed in the rationale...are imbedded with key terms that are used<br />
without definition, and thus, effectively draw on assumed commonsense meanings.<br />
Thus, for instance the opening phrase includes the term ‘society’s citizens’ (QSA,<br />
2004, p. 1). It <strong>of</strong>fers no definition <strong>of</strong> either ‘society’ or ‘citizen’. Such terms are<br />
richly complex... (2006, p. 4)<br />
Disagreeing with the notion <strong>of</strong> a firm common sense is also identified by British historian<br />
Arthur Marwick in the general theory <strong>of</strong> historical research, whereby he writes:<br />
...history is based on the primary sources, and the primary sources left by past<br />
societies can reveal beliefs and actions which totally defy what would today be<br />
considered ‘common sense’. Commons sense might tell us that when misery, and<br />
oppression, and injustice are heaped on subordinate peoples, they will rise up in<br />
revolt; but this is by no means necessarily the case...Human beings in the past have<br />
not always, or even usually, behaved completely rationally...so common sense is a<br />
poor guide to how, and why, people behaved in the past. (2001, p. 249, emphasis<br />
added)<br />
In this statement, Marwick clearly articulates practical examples to support his perspective<br />
that common sense cannot be used by historians to explain the behaviours and actions <strong>of</strong><br />
people. This links broadly with the topic <strong>of</strong> this section, being that common sense as a term<br />
used in historical study and research is problematic.<br />
25