PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ... PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
The information presented thus far in this chapter clearly demonstrates a connection between ideology and curriculum, in accordance with how it is established and then maintained. It is therefore a falsity to indicate that any curriculum is (or even, can be) neutral. Furthermore, as Apple claims, assertions that have been made in terms of the construction of curriculum content has, and in many cases still does, promote an “....underlying position was apolitical and bore no relationship to how power and resources were distributed in society” (2004, p. 16). In an Australian schooling context, this ‘common sense’, sometimes articulated as a ‘back to basics’ approach has filtered into curriculum debates, especially by supporters of a national curriculum. Former Prime Minister, John Howard was one such proponent of an ideological neutral, ‘common sense’ approach to History teaching, as expressed in his 2006 Australia Day address: Quite apart from a strong focus on Australian values, I believe the time has also come for root and branch renewal of the teaching of Australian history in our schools…Too often history has fallen victim in an ever more crowded curriculum to subjects deemed more ‘relevant’ to today…too often, history, along with other subjects in the humanities, has succumbed to a postmodern culture of relativism where any objective record of achievement is questioned or repudiated. … Part of preparing young Australians to be informed and active citizens is to teach them the central currents of our nation’s development…In the end, young people are at risk of being disinherited from their community if that community lacks the courage and confidence to teach its history. (Howard, 2006, n.p., emphasis added) Language used by Howard throughout his prime ministership draws on discourses of common sense, an attempt to enunciate a common culture amongst Australians, arguably as a way to stifle or limit debate on topics, particularly those connected in some way with the contestation of Australia’s past history. This is pointed out, for example, in Luke’s (1997) analysis of the speech made by Howard at The Australian Reconciliation Convention in 1997. Promoting common (and generally, base level) Australian citizenship values based on national history remained a frequent topic for Howard as seen in the following extract from Hansard of 1996 discussing bi-partisan support for a parliamentary racial tolerance statement: 22
It contains commitments to the kind of Australian society that I believe in and have always believed in. It contains a commitment to some common Australian values which are held by Australians, irrespective of whether their ancestors came from the British Isles, Europe, the Middle East or Asia. Whatever the rights and wrongs and the contributions of different people and different attitudes in the Australian community, it comes at a time when it is appropriate and in the national interest to send a clear and unambiguous signal, particularly to the nations of our region but not only to the nations of our region, of the kind of society we are. It is put forward to this parliament by the government and I trust also by the opposition not in any sense of apology, not in any self-conscious sense, but as a simple, direct and unambiguous statement of certain values and principles. (Howard, 1996a, p. 6156, emphasis added) Returning now to again focus more specifically on school curriculum as ‘common sense’, Young provides a succinct summary of Gramsci’s work on commonsense and education, writing: Examples such as ‘theory’ and ‘practice’, creation and propagation of knowledge (or in contemporary terms ‘teaching’ and ‘research’), and what he [Gramsci] calls the ‘laws of scholarship’ and the ‘limits of scientific research’ are all unexamined parts of the framework within which most formal education takes place. The second aspect relates to his distinction between ‘common sense’ and ‘philosophy’ in which he sees that some people’s common sense becomes formally recognised as philosophy, and other people’s does not, depending on their access to certain institutional contexts....sociologists should raise the wider question of the relation between school knowledge and commonsense knowledge, of how, as Gramsci suggests, knowledge available to certain groups becomes ‘school knowledge’ or ‘educational’ and that available to others does not. (1971, p. 28) Commonsense in education is understood by Gitlin as being “…a catchall phrase that refers to dominant discourses, the broad-based circulating value systems that often move across multiple contexts and local discourse, the specific contextual normative systems found in a particular locale” (2006, p. 171). This is a topic that has also been covered by educators from discipline areas outside of History in contemporary Australia. As broached in Appendix A: Contexts Wayne Sawyer, then President of the Australian Association for the Teaching of 23
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The information presented thus far in this chapter clearly demonstrates a connection between<br />
ideology and curriculum, in accordance with how it is established and then maintained. It is<br />
therefore a falsity to indicate that any curriculum is (or even, can be) neutral. Furthermore, as<br />
Apple claims, assertions that have been made in terms <strong>of</strong> the construction <strong>of</strong> curriculum<br />
content has, and in many cases still does, promote an “....underlying position was apolitical<br />
and bore no relationship to how power and resources were distributed in society” (2004, p.<br />
16). In an Australian schooling context, this ‘common sense’, sometimes articulated as a<br />
‘back to basics’ approach has filtered into curriculum debates, especially by supporters <strong>of</strong> a<br />
national curriculum. Former Prime Minister, John Howard was one such proponent <strong>of</strong> an<br />
ideological neutral, ‘common sense’ approach to History teaching, as expressed in his 2006<br />
Australia Day address:<br />
Quite apart from a strong focus on Australian values, I believe the time has also<br />
come for root and branch renewal <strong>of</strong> the teaching <strong>of</strong> Australian history in our<br />
schools…Too <strong>of</strong>ten history has fallen victim in an ever more crowded curriculum to<br />
subjects deemed more ‘relevant’ to today…too <strong>of</strong>ten, history, along with other<br />
subjects in the humanities, has succumbed to a postmodern culture <strong>of</strong> relativism<br />
where any objective record <strong>of</strong> achievement is questioned or repudiated.<br />
…<br />
Part <strong>of</strong> preparing young Australians to be informed and active citizens is to<br />
teach them the central currents <strong>of</strong> our nation’s development…In the end, young<br />
people are at risk <strong>of</strong> being disinherited from their community if that community lacks<br />
the courage and confidence to teach its history. (Howard, 2006, n.p., emphasis<br />
added)<br />
Language used by Howard throughout his prime ministership draws on discourses <strong>of</strong><br />
common sense, an attempt to enunciate a common culture amongst Australians, arguably as a<br />
way to stifle or limit debate on topics, particularly those connected in some way with the<br />
contestation <strong>of</strong> Australia’s past history. This is pointed out, for example, in Luke’s (1997)<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> the speech made by Howard at The Australian Reconciliation Convention in 1997.<br />
Promoting common (and generally, base level) Australian citizenship values based on<br />
national history remained a frequent topic for Howard as seen in the following extract from<br />
Hansard <strong>of</strong> 1996 discussing bi-partisan support for a parliamentary racial tolerance statement:<br />
22