PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
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Crossroads: Imperialism and race relations (Cowie, 1982). Within Chapter 16: Race relations in Australia, for example, discourses of a ‘dying race’ in terms of the perceived inevitability of the future of Indigenous Australians is clearly communicated. However, by using past tense, it is clear that the textbook author, Cowie, is not sympathetic with this perspective in a contemporary sense. Instead this discourse and related content is included, legitimised due to its historical importance, and a view that is firmly in the past (in this case from the 1920s). See Source 7.40, for the extract, with primary source included. Source 7.40. Discourses of a dying race extract from Crossroads: Imperialism and race relations (Cowie, 1982, p. 307). There is also a clear discourse operating of Indigenous Australians as victims of circumstance with pity expressed towards Indigenous Australians of the impact on their lives as a consequence of colonisation. In particular, terms (italicized) used to communicate this discourse of victimhood included, for example: “...sedentary life on the fringes...increased Aboriginal vulnerability”; “diet, once high in protein level, often became high in starch...”; “where once Aborigines had taken only what they wanted from white society...they now became totally economically dependent on it”; and “tribal kinship ties...became confused as more half-caste children were born...” (Cowie, 1982, p. 307, emphasis added). For a contextualised reading of these statements, see Source 7.41. Source 7.41. Examples of discourses of victimhood extract from Crossroads: Imperialism and race relations (Cowie, 1982, p. 307). 336
7.9.3 Discourses of political and civil action. Viewing Indigenous people as agents for change in unjust situations is strongly communicated through the narrative of the case study in Case studies in Australian history (Stewart, 1986). In the case of the strike, two issues were involved. One is the claim of unfair pay of Aboriginal workers and the second is land ownership by the traditional landholders, the Gurindji people. Rather than seeing Indigenous people as passive victims of policy and practice, this narrative strongly asserts that Indigenous people, as a collective, have the motivation and capacity to launch, and the stamina to maintain, strike action in order to achieve stated demands. It is explicit about this, citing other examples when this has not been the case: In documenting most cases of Aboriginal-European conflict, Aborigines are poorly placed as far as primary evidence in concerned. At best, Aborigines are represented by sympathetic non-Aboriginal observers. On this occasion, however, Aboriginal accounts of the walkout are available. (Stewart, 1986, p. 196) Where the narrative describes the moment the Gurindji people declared a strike, walking off Wave Hill Station, it is told almost completely through the voice of the leader of the strike, Vincent Lingiari. In a departure from narratives in other textbooks that describe events through a third person, non-Indigenous voice. Source 7.42 stands in stark contrast to this, where Lingiari is quoted at length, through his voice, keeping authentic his grammar style of voiced and unvoiced consonants. 337
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7.9.3 Discourses <strong>of</strong> political and civil action.<br />
Viewing Indigenous people as agents for change in unjust situations is strongly<br />
communicated through the narrative <strong>of</strong> the case study in Case studies in Australian history<br />
(Stewart, 1986). In the case <strong>of</strong> the strike, two issues were involved. One is the claim <strong>of</strong> unfair<br />
pay <strong>of</strong> Aboriginal workers and the second is land ownership by the traditional landholders,<br />
the Gurindji people. Rather than seeing Indigenous people as passive victims <strong>of</strong> policy and<br />
practice, this narrative strongly asserts that Indigenous people, as a collective, have the<br />
motivation and capacity to launch, and the stamina to maintain, strike action in order to<br />
achieve stated demands. It is explicit about this, citing other examples when this has not been<br />
the case:<br />
In documenting most cases <strong>of</strong> Aboriginal-European conflict, Aborigines are poorly<br />
placed as far as primary evidence in concerned. At best, Aborigines are represented<br />
by sympathetic non-Aboriginal observers. On this occasion, however, Aboriginal<br />
accounts <strong>of</strong> the walkout are available. (Stewart, 1986, p. 196)<br />
Where the narrative describes the moment the Gurindji people declared a strike, walking <strong>of</strong>f<br />
Wave Hill Station, it is told almost completely through the voice <strong>of</strong> the leader <strong>of</strong> the strike,<br />
Vincent Lingiari. In a departure from narratives in other textbooks that describe events<br />
through a third person, non-Indigenous voice. Source 7.42 stands in stark contrast to this,<br />
where Lingiari is quoted at length, through his voice, keeping authentic his grammar style <strong>of</strong><br />
voiced and unvoiced consonants.<br />
337
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