PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
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In the lead up to and in the year of 1988, a wide range of government programs and events were initiated as a way to create an atmosphere of ‘celebration’ of this historical event. A government authority, the Australian Bicentennial Authority (ABA) was set up in 1979 (Augoustinos, 1993; MacIntyre & Clark, 2003). Initially established by the Liberal (conservative) Fraser government, and then continued by the Labor Hawke government, this demonstrates the bi-partisan support of the 1988 Bicentennial. The ABA had legislative authority to act under the Australian Bicentennial Authority Act 1980 (date of assent 23 rd May, 1980). The primary purpose of this Act was to plan and coordinate projects that connected with Australia’s cultural heritage. It was also to administer funds, provided by the Federal government. The Bicentennial was promoted to the general public through consistent advertising campaigns throughout the 1980s, particularly under the Hawke government. Branding the Bicentennial was also important, and the logo in Source 7.4 was used extensively in advertising and other promotional material in the lead up to and including 1988. Source 7.4. Bicentennial logo. (Foundationexpo, n.d.). As mentioned, a key term that describes the dominant mainstream representations of Australian nationhood (especially through culture, heritage and history) in the 1980s is celebration. Bicentennial celebratory events, activities and publications were at the fore front of the material portrayal of the themes that had entered the national psyche through official government channels and support. Celebration of a nation was the official government slogan, and is described by Turner in the following way as a pedagogical event: ...the promotional campaign emanating from the Australian Bicentenary Authority had an almost pedagogic objective: Australians were being taught their bicentennial behaviours. ‘Celebration of a Nation’ was not just a method of raising the emotional temperature of the nation in readiness for 1988. It was also a practical demonstration of what was expected of Australians celebrating the bicentennial year. It probably worked. (Turner, 1994, p. 69) 294
In addition, whereas in previous decades of the twentieth century, British heritages had formed the foundation of identifying as an ‘Australian’, this had now dramatically shifted to one of multiculturalism, with people identifying their patriotism through a multicultural lens, as described by Turner: The Bicentenary theme, ‘Living Together’, promoted a multicultural Australia through its emphasis on culture difference and variety. The ABA’s contradictory attempt to simultaneously signify cultural difference and national unity, and the multiculturalist agenda seen as the motivation for such an attempt, met with resentment from (among others) the Anglo Right, who regarded the whole thematic project as an abandonment of Australia’s predominately British (indeed, nationhood) in favour of non-British ‘minority interest groups’...Up to a point, the reactions were understandable: to celebrate a nation which is united but diverse, on a day which is the moment of both settlement and invasion, through rhetoric which foregrounds difference and reconciliation over uniformity and assimilation, was not a simple public relations exercise. (Turner, 1994, p. 70, emphasis added) Celebratory discourses are prevalent and obvious by a quick scan of the types of histories published for a general audience leading up to the 1988 Bicentennial, as already noted. These books were often commissioned by government or government funded agencies (such as the ABA) and offered by and large a very rose-coloured view of Australian history. Blemishes, embarrassments or generally negative aspects of Australia’s past were either glossed over or not included at all. As stated earlier, a noteworthy exception to this is the magazine series published by The Australian as a 48 volume publication of Australian history from precolonisation to the contemporary era. Here, a significant (but not unbalanced or overbearing) portion of the content reflected aspects of Australian history that are not regarded as positive examples of the continent’s developing nationhood, for example in describing events surrounding Tasmanian Aboriginals in the 1800s through a story on Truganini, the following concluding statement is made: “Australians had become the first people to commit genocide of an indigenous race” (O’Brien et al., 1988b, p. 325). The written word was not the only way aspects of Australia’s cultural heritage—within a contemporary memory making context—were communicated to mass audiences. I am Australian, a song that is now widely regarded as one of a number of informal anthems was released in 1987 and written by renowned Australian song writers, Bruce Woodley and Dobe 295
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In addition, whereas in previous decades <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century, British heritages had<br />
formed the foundation <strong>of</strong> identifying as an ‘Australian’, this had now dramatically shifted to<br />
one <strong>of</strong> multiculturalism, with people identifying their patriotism through a multicultural lens,<br />
as described by Turner:<br />
The Bicentenary theme, ‘Living Together’, promoted a multicultural Australia<br />
through its emphasis on culture difference and variety. The ABA’s contradictory<br />
attempt to simultaneously signify cultural difference and national unity, and the<br />
multiculturalist agenda seen as the motivation for such an attempt, met with<br />
resentment from (among others) the Anglo Right, who regarded the whole thematic<br />
project as an abandonment <strong>of</strong> Australia’s predominately British (indeed, nationhood)<br />
in favour <strong>of</strong> non-British ‘minority interest groups’...Up to a point, the reactions were<br />
understandable: to celebrate a nation which is united but diverse, on a day which is<br />
the moment <strong>of</strong> both settlement and invasion, through rhetoric which foregrounds<br />
difference and reconciliation over uniformity and assimilation, was not a simple<br />
public relations exercise. (Turner, 1994, p. 70, emphasis added)<br />
Celebratory discourses are prevalent and obvious by a quick scan <strong>of</strong> the types <strong>of</strong> histories<br />
published for a general audience leading up to the 1988 Bicentennial, as already noted. These<br />
books were <strong>of</strong>ten commissioned by government or government funded agencies (such as the<br />
ABA) and <strong>of</strong>fered by and large a very rose-coloured view <strong>of</strong> Australian history. Blemishes,<br />
embarrassments or generally negative aspects <strong>of</strong> Australia’s past were either glossed over or<br />
not included at all. As stated earlier, a noteworthy exception to this is the magazine series<br />
published by The Australian as a 48 volume publication <strong>of</strong> Australian history from precolonisation<br />
to the contemporary era. Here, a significant (but not unbalanced or overbearing)<br />
portion <strong>of</strong> the content reflected aspects <strong>of</strong> Australian history that are not regarded as positive<br />
examples <strong>of</strong> the continent’s developing nationhood, for example in describing events<br />
surrounding Tasmanian Aboriginals in the 1800s through a story on Truganini, the following<br />
concluding statement is made: “Australians had become the first people to commit genocide<br />
<strong>of</strong> an indigenous race” (O’Brien et al., 1988b, p. 325).<br />
The written word was not the only way aspects <strong>of</strong> Australia’s cultural heritage—within a<br />
contemporary memory making context—were communicated to mass audiences. I am<br />
Australian, a song that is now widely regarded as one <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> informal anthems was<br />
released in 1987 and written by renowned Australian song writers, Bruce Woodley and Dobe<br />
295