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as ‘Aborigines’, ‘Aboriginals’; less common by individual name, for example ‘Jacky Jacky’,<br />

‘Wylie’, ‘Robert Tudawali’, and ‘Albert Namatjira’; and even less commonly by tribal<br />

affiliation, for example “Gurindji” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 167). However, when primary<br />

sources are used not only are they rarely accurately attributed to the original source <strong>of</strong> author,<br />

for example “A nineteenth century historian” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 164), but potentially<br />

inflammatory terms such as ‘savage’, ‘primitive’ and ‘native’ are used (as shown throughout<br />

the analysis <strong>of</strong> textbooks in this chapter). Whilst it is indicated through quotation marks that a<br />

primary source from a past period <strong>of</strong> time is being used, there is never any mediation for<br />

students <strong>of</strong> these terms, resulting in a complicit acceptance, strengthened by the position <strong>of</strong><br />

power a textbook has over students and also teachers as a tool <strong>of</strong> teaching and learning. As a<br />

process <strong>of</strong> acculturating students into the work <strong>of</strong> an historian, including primary source<br />

documents even if they do incorporate terms that are no longer socially or politically<br />

acceptable is an important part <strong>of</strong> that process. However, where the curriculum documents<br />

across the board fail students is that there is no mediation <strong>of</strong> how these terms are used, either<br />

in the past or in the present, which potentially leads to prejudices and other preconceived,<br />

uneducated views being reinforced, rather than using the texts as an opportunity to challenge<br />

perspectives in consideration <strong>of</strong> changed socio-political attitudes and beliefs.<br />

6.11.6 Curriculum as gatekeeper <strong>of</strong> conservative content and values or agent for<br />

change.<br />

Indigenous Australians and Indigenous representations more generally, are portrayed as both<br />

a-historical, out <strong>of</strong> context and disconnected from other curriculum content (such as excluded<br />

from chronologies <strong>of</strong> national history); perpetrators <strong>of</strong> violence against explorers; and<br />

increasingly as victims <strong>of</strong> white colonisation. This discourse <strong>of</strong> victimhood infiltrates the<br />

curriculum, particularly in contemporary representations <strong>of</strong> Indigenous Australians. For<br />

example, one <strong>of</strong> the few visual representations <strong>of</strong> Indigenous Australians in a contemporary<br />

setting portrays a group <strong>of</strong> Indigenous women and children from the outback as an example<br />

<strong>of</strong> poverty (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 167), and can be seen as aligned with the dominant<br />

socio-political views <strong>of</strong> the time, being assimilation.<br />

In different textbooks, there is significant disjuncture <strong>of</strong> Indigenous representations within<br />

this same era. On the one hand, there are representations <strong>of</strong> anonymous ‘natives’ interacting<br />

with explorers. Yet, on the other hand, there are occasional stories <strong>of</strong> Indigenous Australians<br />

belonging to specific tribal groups, for example “Gurindji tribe <strong>of</strong> Wave Hill” (Blackmore et<br />

287

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