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foreground of the image, but it is seen only partially. There is also a domesticated dingo sitting between two of the women. The humpies are made of branches, leaves and what appears to be either old canvas or blankets. The women and children are wearing nontraditional clothes of dresses or shirts and shorts. Interestingly, knowledge is presented as able to be critically constructed by students and used by the teacher as a learning opportunity, with the description placed at the top of the image: “Aborigines near Kalgoorlie, W.A.” followed by three questions running along below the image: “What indications are there of poverty? Why do some Aborigines live under these conditions? What evidence is there of contact with the white man?” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 167). Source 6.37. “Aborigines near Kalgoorlie, W.A.” extract from Landmarks: A history of Australia to the present day (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 167). 6.8.4 Discourses of progress and hope. Contemporary representations, within a larger topic of assimilation are included in some depth in Australia and the near north (Connole, 1962), covering the following topics: the missions; the government; health and housing; franchise; social service benefits, education; and employment. The general discourse running through this chapter is one of progress with hope for the future, especially regarding the full citizenship and participation in mainstream society of Indigenous Australians. Throughout this section of the textbook, the perspective of the author is made explicitly clear, for example, see Source 6.38. 268

Source 6.38. “The Missions” extract from Australia and the near north (Connole, 1962, p. 215). Within this discourse, value of representations of Indigenous Australians is attributed to economic contributions (see, for example, Source 6.39). Source 6.39. “How can Aborigines best contribute…?” extract from Landmarks: A history of Australia to the present day (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 169) Interestingly, for all of its understandings of the contemporary issues being experienced by Indigenous Australians, the textbook still follows a narrow definition of progress by aligning the value of Indigenous people with their (potential) economic contribution, beginning a paragraph with the question “How can the Aborigines best contribute to the economic development of Australia?” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 169). The question is then responded to by stating that Indigenous Australians should be allowed to receive economic compensation due to being “dispossessed” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 169) as a result of the approval by the government of mining leases. Here, an ideology of privileging economic wealth is strongly articulated. A second reason is then asserted, being “…particularly in the areas of the remote north where the climate of the region is unattractive to white men” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 169). Here the previous comment of more or less financial compensation for dispossession from traditional land is contradicted by the term “particularly” to describe where this should happen—in areas where the weather is consistently hot and humid; therefore opening the possibility that compensation should be based on location, rather than principle, a problematic concept. Overall, Indigenous Australians are represented as having nothing valuable to offer any part of society except economically when they lease their traditional lands. Social inequities experienced by 269

Source 6.38. “The Missions” extract from Australia and the near north (Connole,<br />

1962, p. 215).<br />

Within this discourse, value <strong>of</strong> representations <strong>of</strong> Indigenous Australians is attributed to<br />

economic contributions (see, for example, Source 6.39).<br />

Source 6.39. “How can Aborigines best contribute…?” extract from Landmarks: A<br />

history <strong>of</strong> Australia to the present day (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 169)<br />

Interestingly, for all <strong>of</strong> its understandings <strong>of</strong> the contemporary issues being experienced by<br />

Indigenous Australians, the textbook still follows a narrow definition <strong>of</strong> progress by aligning<br />

the value <strong>of</strong> Indigenous people with their (potential) economic contribution, beginning a<br />

paragraph with the question “How can the Aborigines best contribute to the economic<br />

development <strong>of</strong> Australia?” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 169). The question is then responded<br />

to by stating that Indigenous Australians should be allowed to receive economic<br />

compensation due to being “dispossessed” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 169) as a result <strong>of</strong> the<br />

approval by the government <strong>of</strong> mining leases. Here, an ideology <strong>of</strong> privileging economic<br />

wealth is strongly articulated. A second reason is then asserted, being “…particularly in the<br />

areas <strong>of</strong> the remote north where the climate <strong>of</strong> the region is unattractive to white men”<br />

(Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 169). Here the previous comment <strong>of</strong> more or less financial<br />

compensation for dispossession from traditional land is contradicted by the term<br />

“particularly” to describe where this should happen—in areas where the weather is<br />

consistently hot and humid; therefore opening the possibility that compensation should be<br />

based on location, rather than principle, a problematic concept. Overall, Indigenous<br />

Australians are represented as having nothing valuable to <strong>of</strong>fer any part <strong>of</strong> society except<br />

economically when they lease their traditional lands. Social inequities experienced by<br />

269

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