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inclusion of Indigenous Australians appears to be legitimized only by mediation of representations through Australia’s constitution and state-government policies, with a significant focus on broad policies of exclusion and paternalism. In addition, a topic what has become known in more recent times as The Stolen Generation is included here, albeit without naming it as such. For example, the following passage reads: The Constitution of the Commonwealth referred to the aborigines only to instruct that they were not to be counted in census figures and to state that the Federal government had no power to make laws concerning them. The states framed their own laws and ordinances to govern aboriginal people. Many of these imposed restrictions and handicaps giving aborigines little opportunity to improve their conditions. They were excluded from many benefits taken for granted by white men. In some states their movements were severely controlled. They could not settle in certain areas, they could be removed from one district to another, children could be forcibly taken from their parents and brought up in schools hundreds of miles from their homes. Aborigines were paid lower wages than white men doing the same work, little was done for the education of their children, young people could not marry without the permission of a government official, housing conditions were often very bad. (Palmer & MacLeod, 1969, p. 183) 6.8.2 Narratives of the Wave Hill Station Strike. Continuing with its representations of contemporary topics related to Indigenous Australians, Landmarks: A history of Australia to the present day (Blackmore et al., 1969) features a narrative (see Source 6.36) on what is now known as the Wave Hill Station Strike providing an example of current issues experienced by Indigenous people from the Northern Territory. 266

Source 6.36. “Major Problems” an extract from Landmarks: A history of Australia to the present day (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 166) A rarity for school curriculum of this era, the Indigenous Australians are referred to by their tribal affiliation, the “Gurindji tribe of Wave Hill” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 166). A discourse of land rights operates throughout this extract, with the explanation of the decision of the Gurindji people to go on strike, or as the textbook states “…refused to work on the cattle station” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 166) due to the point “they wanted eight square miles of Wave Hill country as their own” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 166). The main stakeholders, “powerful cattle interests” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 166) are represented as oppositional to the Gurindji claim and the textbook then mediates the demand through broader issues of the time, politicizing the reason for the Gurindji land claim, concluding the section with “the Gurindji directed attention to the problem of land ownership at a time when many pastoralist and mining companies were extending their activities throughout the North” (Blackmore et al., 1969, p. 166). A clear binary is established in this narrative that positions the Gurindji and cattle property owners in ideological dispute with each other. In what is now regarded as an important historical event, this textbook is the only example of covering the Wave Hill Station Strike across all textbooks analysed. 6.8.3 Discourses of poverty. Source 6.37 provides an example of discourses of poverty evident in Indigenous representations. The image, a black and white photograph, shows a group of Indigenous Australians (four women and two children) sitting on the dirt ground around a tea billy in what appears to be an outback area (there is scrub in the background of the photo). They are sitting in front of two humpies, or gunyahs. There is part of a third one in the very front 267

inclusion <strong>of</strong> Indigenous Australians appears to be legitimized only by mediation <strong>of</strong><br />

representations through Australia’s constitution and state-government policies, with a<br />

significant focus on broad policies <strong>of</strong> exclusion and paternalism. In addition, a topic what has<br />

become known in more recent times as The Stolen Generation is included here, albeit without<br />

naming it as such. For example, the following passage reads:<br />

The Constitution <strong>of</strong> the Commonwealth referred to the aborigines only to instruct<br />

that they were not to be counted in census figures and to state that the Federal<br />

government had no power to make laws concerning them. The states framed their<br />

own laws and ordinances to govern aboriginal people. Many <strong>of</strong> these imposed<br />

restrictions and handicaps giving aborigines little opportunity to improve their<br />

conditions. They were excluded from many benefits taken for granted by white men.<br />

In some states their movements were severely controlled. They could not settle in<br />

certain areas, they could be removed from one district to another, children could be<br />

forcibly taken from their parents and brought up in schools hundreds <strong>of</strong> miles from<br />

their homes. Aborigines were paid lower wages than white men doing the same<br />

work, little was done for the education <strong>of</strong> their children, young people could not<br />

marry without the permission <strong>of</strong> a government <strong>of</strong>ficial, housing conditions were<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten very bad. (Palmer & MacLeod, 1969, p. 183)<br />

6.8.2 Narratives <strong>of</strong> the Wave Hill Station Strike.<br />

Continuing with its representations <strong>of</strong> contemporary topics related to Indigenous Australians,<br />

Landmarks: A history <strong>of</strong> Australia to the present day (Blackmore et al., 1969) features a<br />

narrative (see Source 6.36) on what is now known as the Wave Hill Station Strike providing<br />

an example <strong>of</strong> current issues experienced by Indigenous people from the Northern Territory.<br />

266

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