PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ... PDF (Whole Thesis) - USQ ePrints - University of Southern ...
5.8.1 Discourses of legitimizing the participation in WWI of Great Britain and Australia. Introducing the WWI conflict, A story of the Australian people, includes an explanation early in the chapter that seeks to legitimize the participation of Great Britain in WWI, through the following passage: The people of the British Isles indeed did not favour the suggestion that we should participate, until Germany, by her brutal disregard of her pledged word, trampled over the peaceful territory of Belgium and horrified the civilised world. (Cramp, 1927, p. 215, emphasis added) Here, Great Britain is set up as a peaceful nation in binary opposition to Germany. Given that this text is within a chapter called Australia in the Great War (Cramp, 1927, pp. 214-221) and the next paragraph discusses Australia as part of the broader Great Britain, Australia is included by association. Great Britain as a peaceful nation, therefore, only goes to war as a last resort; included so that the position of Great Britain in participating in WWI is legitimised to school students. This clearly sets up Great Britain as being peaceful, and Germany as war mongering which also means uncivilised, emphasised by the phrasing that Germany’s actions “horrified the civilised world” (Cramp, 1927, p. 215), ignorant of the many conflicts Great Britain has played a central role in prior to WWI. Once Great Britain’s purpose or reason for participating in the conflict is established, the text then moves on to explain the involvement of Australia: When England is at war, Australia is at war; so are all the British Dominions. The Prime Minister of Australia, Joseph Cook, realized the position at once, and offered all Australia’s resources to England. A change of ministry placed Andrew Fisher in the position of Prime Minister, but this made no difference for he, too declared Australia would stand by England to the last man and the last shilling. He was succeeded by William Morris Hughes, who, as Prime Minister of four Governments between 1915 and 1923, represented Australia’s interest in a most capable manner when he visited England. (Cramp, 1927, p. 215, emphasis added) Australia as a part of Great Britain, but not an equal part, is articulated through the phrase, “when England is at war, Australia is at war; so are all the British Dominions” (Cramp, 1927, p. 215). Australia’s commitment to joining Great Britain in WWI is represented solely 168
through paraphrased statements made by the three war-time Prime Ministers: Joseph Cook, Andrew Fisher, and William Morris Hughes. Despite Hughes being a very controversial politician, particularly regarding first his switching to and from political parties and second, his support for the failed conscription referenda, multiple perspectives are not included in the textbook content. By the textbook reading: “...William Morris Hughes, who, as Prime Minister of four Governments between 1915 and 1923, represented Australia’s interest in a most capable manner when he visited England.” (Cramp, 1927, p. 215, emphasis added), the textbook presents the suggestion of a compliance with Great Britain, failing to mention that Hughes was criticised consistently in Australia for being overly-British, a point reaching a pinnacle due to the defeat of two referenda he instigated (reacting to demands from Great Britain for increased troops) to enact compulsory conscription for military-age males. The conscription debates, a very complex issue in post-Federation Australian history, are not mentioned in A story of the Australian people (Cramp,1927) and are described only very briefly in New syllabus history for seventh grade, with the description: “No man was compelled to join the army. In 1916, and again in 1917, the people of Australia were asked to vote whether there should be conscription—that is, whether men should be forced to become soldiers and serve outside the Commonwealth. The majority of electors voted against conscription” (Dunlop & Palfrey, 1932a, p. 106). Here, the rejection of conscription is not contextualised to any broader socio-political activities or people of the time; instead it is put forth in a very matter-of-fact way. It is difficult to gauge the view of the curriculum on this topic as it is so devoid of detail. It is curious why more attention was not paid to the debates and referenda over conscription, given that the referenda for Federation is explained in significant detail, with opposing views presented, and results detailed (see, in particular, Dunlop & Palfrey, 1932a, pp. 52-54). The conscription debates were in fact passionate and fierce, but reading textbooks of the era, intended for upper primary/lower secondary, students would learn little information about this aspect of Australia’s very recent past. 5.8.2 Discourses of military allegiance to a superior Great Britain. The discourse of military allegiance prior to WWI can be seen as an abstract allegiance, with statements of potential future action such as “if need be, to aid in defending the honour…of that Old Land” (Department of Public Instruction, 1913b, p. 44). Curriculum content from WWI onwards provided an opportunity for this military allegiance to be grounded in a 169
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through paraphrased statements made by the three war-time Prime Ministers: Joseph Cook,<br />
Andrew Fisher, and William Morris Hughes. Despite Hughes being a very controversial<br />
politician, particularly regarding first his switching to and from political parties and second,<br />
his support for the failed conscription referenda, multiple perspectives are not included in the<br />
textbook content. By the textbook reading: “...William Morris Hughes, who, as Prime<br />
Minister <strong>of</strong> four Governments between 1915 and 1923, represented Australia’s interest in a<br />
most capable manner when he visited England.” (Cramp, 1927, p. 215, emphasis added), the<br />
textbook presents the suggestion <strong>of</strong> a compliance with Great Britain, failing to mention that<br />
Hughes was criticised consistently in Australia for being overly-British, a point reaching a<br />
pinnacle due to the defeat <strong>of</strong> two referenda he instigated (reacting to demands from Great<br />
Britain for increased troops) to enact compulsory conscription for military-age males.<br />
The conscription debates, a very complex issue in post-Federation Australian history, are not<br />
mentioned in A story <strong>of</strong> the Australian people (Cramp,1927) and are described only very<br />
briefly in New syllabus history for seventh grade, with the description: “No man was<br />
compelled to join the army. In 1916, and again in 1917, the people <strong>of</strong> Australia were asked to<br />
vote whether there should be conscription—that is, whether men should be forced to become<br />
soldiers and serve outside the Commonwealth. The majority <strong>of</strong> electors voted against<br />
conscription” (Dunlop & Palfrey, 1932a, p. 106). Here, the rejection <strong>of</strong> conscription is not<br />
contextualised to any broader socio-political activities or people <strong>of</strong> the time; instead it is put<br />
forth in a very matter-<strong>of</strong>-fact way. It is difficult to gauge the view <strong>of</strong> the curriculum on this<br />
topic as it is so devoid <strong>of</strong> detail. It is curious why more attention was not paid to the debates<br />
and referenda over conscription, given that the referenda for Federation is explained in<br />
significant detail, with opposing views presented, and results detailed (see, in particular,<br />
Dunlop & Palfrey, 1932a, pp. 52-54). The conscription debates were in fact passionate and<br />
fierce, but reading textbooks <strong>of</strong> the era, intended for upper primary/lower secondary, students<br />
would learn little information about this aspect <strong>of</strong> Australia’s very recent past.<br />
5.8.2 Discourses <strong>of</strong> military allegiance to a superior Great Britain.<br />
The discourse <strong>of</strong> military allegiance prior to WWI can be seen as an abstract allegiance, with<br />
statements <strong>of</strong> potential future action such as “if need be, to aid in defending the honour…<strong>of</strong><br />
that Old Land” (Department <strong>of</strong> Public Instruction, 1913b, p. 44). Curriculum content from<br />
WWI onwards provided an opportunity for this military allegiance to be grounded in a<br />
169