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Full document / COSOC-W-86-002 - the National Sea Grant Library

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The Chesapeake Bay Comaisslon was formed In 1981 to coordinate<br />

legislation and policy decisions between <strong>the</strong> States of Maryland end<br />

Virginia as <strong>the</strong>y relate to Chesapeake Bay. In 1985 it was enlarged<br />

to include Pennsylvania. The Commission is lsrgoly legislative in<br />

orientation; fifteen of twenty-one members are state senators or<br />

delegates. Because of its makeup, <strong>the</strong> Cosalssion focuses primarily<br />

on those things which legislators ei<strong>the</strong>r do - such as introduce<br />

legislation and approvo budgets - or acquiesce In, such as adoption<br />

of controversial regulations.<br />

Whan <strong>the</strong> Commission was first formed, <strong>the</strong>re was a perception that one<br />

of its main functions would be to make tho legislation in <strong>the</strong> two<br />

states - Maryland and Virginia - more uniform. The original focus<br />

was on fisheries management. As <strong>the</strong> Chesapeake Bay Program studies<br />

drew to a close in 1983, environmental quality became more of a<br />

focus. On both fronts, uniformity has proven to be an elusive, and,<br />

perhaps not worth while, goal. Today, <strong>the</strong> Commission is concerned<br />

that state responses to common problems are consistent and are of<br />

equivalent effectiveness. O<strong>the</strong>r papers on Chesapeake Bay this<br />

volume have <strong>document</strong>ed tho tremendous amount that <strong>the</strong> Chesapeake Bay<br />

region's governments and citizens have been able to accomplish so far<br />

in terms of new legislation and budget initiatives, and Innovative<br />

programs.<br />

In many subject areas, Maryland and Virginia, and also Pennsylvania<br />

and <strong>the</strong> District of Columbia, have been able to agroo on a common set<br />

of problems and solutions. This common set of problems and solutions<br />

is' almost wholly based on information and recommendations emanating<br />

from <strong>the</strong> seven year $27 million EPA Chesapeake Bay Program,3 and an<br />

excellent job of communicating <strong>the</strong> study's results. Improved sewage<br />

treatment, agricultural bast management practices cost share<br />

programs, monitoring of living resources and water quality, chlorine<br />

removal and planting submerged grasses have all gotten substantial<br />

boosts.<br />

I will focus, however, on some areas of divergence, and <strong>the</strong> role<br />

scientific or management information - or <strong>the</strong> lack of it - has played<br />

in that divergence. I will use three examples: (1) sediment control,<br />

(2) coastal land use, and (3) striped bass management. In each of<br />

<strong>the</strong>se three areas tho availability and type of Information accessible<br />

have played a role in <strong>the</strong> differing positions taken by <strong>the</strong> two<br />

states, and particularly by state legislators.<br />

It is necessary to point out that <strong>the</strong>re are o<strong>the</strong>r factors, which are<br />

of equal, and in many casas, much greater importance in influencing<br />

<strong>the</strong> shape of legislative action. Deep rooted philosophical<br />

differences in <strong>the</strong> role of government in problem solving, differences<br />

in <strong>the</strong> geographical distribution of legislative districts, and real<br />

physical differences in tho nature of <strong>the</strong> environmental problems<br />

facing each jurisdiction do exist. None<strong>the</strong>less, information<br />

availability has played a not insignificant role.<br />

The first illustration I will use is sediment control. In <strong>the</strong> early<br />

1970's, both Harylsnd and Virginia enacted laws which required a<br />

sediment control plan to be prepared and approved by local<br />

495

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