European Journal of Scientific Research (ISSN: 1450 ... - EuroJournals
European Journal of Scientific Research (ISSN: 1450 ... - EuroJournals
European Journal of Scientific Research (ISSN: 1450 ... - EuroJournals
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© <strong>European</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Scientific</strong> <strong>Research</strong>, Vol 7, No 5, 2005<br />
systems <strong>of</strong> government, very similar standards <strong>of</strong> economic development, a collective<br />
culture, and a shared geography.<br />
Another crucial structural contrast between the EU and the GCC involves their respective<br />
sizes and relative share in the world economy. The EU encompasses a population <strong>of</strong><br />
some 370 million - the combined population <strong>of</strong> the six GCC states is estimated at 35<br />
million, or less than one tenth the size <strong>of</strong> the EU. And while the GCC states are extremely<br />
wealthy compared to global averages, and although the GCC states are the economic<br />
linchpin <strong>of</strong> the global energy trade, the gap between their combined GDP and that <strong>of</strong> the<br />
EU's is quite large. (Middlemas, 1995). Thus, while the GCC is a vital union within the<br />
larger Arab and Middle Eastern region, and although GCC integration can (and does)<br />
certainly work to promote both the economic development <strong>of</strong> member states and the<br />
overall, role <strong>of</strong> the GCC within the global system, it is unlikely that - barring extensive<br />
expansion – the GCC's importance in the global economic system will ever approach the<br />
magnitude <strong>of</strong> the EU's impact. Yet another important distinction between the two groups<br />
concerns structural differences between the member states <strong>of</strong> the two groups. One<br />
significant difference is economic. Although the Gulf States have reduced their oil<br />
dependence during the past few years; their economies are still largely oil - based, with at<br />
least one-third <strong>of</strong> GDP in each state (Bahrain and UAE, which now relies' on tourism and<br />
business, are exceptions) originating from the energy sector. This is a marked contrast<br />
with the largely service- based, highly diversified developed economies <strong>of</strong> the EU<br />
member states. (Holms and Jenkins, 1996). While the diversification and sectoral<br />
differences among the EU member states promotes complementary trading, the relative<br />
economic homogeneity and energy-dependence <strong>of</strong> the GCC states limits the economic<br />
potential for complete economic integration. The economic homogeneity <strong>of</strong> the Gulf<br />
States also impacts trading patterns among the member states.<br />
Another significant structural difference in the member states <strong>of</strong> the two regional<br />
organizations is political / philosophical. For the most part the EU members share a<br />
commitment to democratic (including social-democratic) forms <strong>of</strong> governments. This<br />
bias is reflected in the multi-level institutional framework <strong>of</strong> the EU, which encompasses<br />
principles <strong>of</strong> balance <strong>of</strong> power and shared decision-making responsibilities. The GCC<br />
countries, on the other hand, very considerably in their political traditions; some<br />
governments still lacking democratic institutions and traditions. A more comprehensive<br />
understanding <strong>of</strong> the similarities and differences between the EU and the GCC will be<br />
clear through an examination <strong>of</strong> the history and structure <strong>of</strong> the GCC.<br />
The prospect for cooperation between the six Gulf States was rendered possible by the<br />
withdrawal <strong>of</strong> the British from the region and the perceived threat <strong>of</strong> either Soviet or U.S.<br />
military intervention. However, even before the British withdrawal, there was evidence<br />
that the Gulf states perceived the value <strong>of</strong> cooperation. For example, in 1953 - eight years<br />
before it achieved full independence Kuwait pioneered regional resource-sharing<br />
activities by creating the General Board <strong>of</strong> the South and Arab Gulf to provide cultural,<br />
scientific and health services to the nine lower Gulf Emirates (which, like, Kuwait, were<br />
then part <strong>of</strong> the British Empire) (Anthony, 1988). There were a number <strong>of</strong> efforts at<br />
cooperation during the: 1970s. In 1976, the foreign ministers <strong>of</strong> Iran, lraq, Kuwait,<br />
Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Oman met in Muscat to discuss the Omani<br />
suggestion to develop a common regional security and defense policy. While this<br />
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