european journal of social sciences issn: 1450-2267 - EuroJournals

european journal of social sciences issn: 1450-2267 - EuroJournals european journal of social sciences issn: 1450-2267 - EuroJournals

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European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 5, Number 3 (2007) traditional prohibition. Today, higher education has become accepted for women, and the number of female Druze students is higher than that of men. Women, Traditional Cultures and Effects of Higher Education Since these findings focus on the effects of higher education on women’s lives and identities, a short review of the existing research on this topic will follow. The predominant research highlights the positive aspects of academic education on women’s lives and on their families, ignoring the internal dynamics and identity processes affected by being educated in Western universities and returning to live in their original cultures. Arab feminists consider women’s education an essential component of human capital development and nation building (Abu Baker, undated; Amawi, 1996; Khalidi and Tucker, 1996, in Pessate-Schubert, 2003). Studies that have examined the effects of women’s education in Arab society found that it had a positive impact on individual lives and on society as a whole (Araf, 1997; Ahmad- Fauzia, 2001; Arnhold, 2000; Baburajan, 1998, 1998; Katjavivi, 2000; Abu Rabia Queder, 2005; Espanioly, 2005). Scholars have also noted that education leads to women’s greater involvement in the labor market and in public activities (As-Sadawi, 1988), to women's empowerment (Perry, 2000; Bubtana, 2000) and to the development of independent thinking patterns (Whalley, 1988; Author, 2004, Author, 2006b). Furthermore, educated women influence changes in the status of women in their communities (Author, 2006a), play a more active role in their choice of a partner (Meller, 2000, p. 43) 3 and encourage marriage at a more mature age (Moghadam, 1993). The subject of higher education among women from Palestinian minority groups in Israel has been researched only in the past few years (Weiner-Levy, 2000; 2002, Meller, 2000; Pessate-Schubert, 2003; Abu Rabia-Queder, 2006(. Most studies have related to education as a means of progress, leading to personal change in the women’s lives. However, changes in identity have not been investigated in the same way. The positive implications of higher education are well acknowledged. Nevertheless, discourse concerning the benefits of education for women tends to ignore and even deny the hurdles, internal transitions and pain that the inevitable losses have entailed (Lucey, 2003), ignoring the intrapersonal dynamics and identity transitions associated with processes of being educated and of adopting an alternative path. A more thorough understanding of these effects will enhance comprehension of the emotional processes and identity changes undergone by women from traditional cultures who obtain higher education. Method A phenomenological narrative methodology was selected to analyze individual experiences and social realities from a subjective perspective (Taylor 1998), exploring the interviewees’ life stories and the reflected narrative identity. This approach adopts a postmodern point of view and assumes an internal relationship between the individual’s life and the story told (Sarbin 1986; Schafer 1992; Gergen and Gergen 1988; Neisser 1994). Life stories recount the course of events and the meanings people ascribe to them, influenced by the individual’s social and cultural environment (Scheibe 1985; Sarup 1996). In this study, the term “identity” refers to a “narrative identity” constructed according to the interviewee’s life story (Sarbin 1986; Schafer 1992; Gergen and Gergen 1983 1986 1988; Neisser 1994). 3 Additional studies conducted in Israel regarding Palestinian women reflect reinforcement of their ethnic national identity (Erdreich, 2002; Masrawa, 2002). 24

European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 5, Number 3 (2007) Sampling Method Thirty-four Druze women were interviewed. They were the first or among the first from their villages to apply for higher education. In this study, a purposive, rather than a random sampling method was used (Miles and Huberman, 1994), interviewing the ‘first’ Druze women. Interviews The interviews were conducted in Hebrew, a language in which all interviewees were fluent, and were held at the interviewee’s homes. The interviews had two parts: In the first part, following Rosenthal’s technique (Rosenthal, 1992), participants were asked to talk about their lives in an unstructured manner, enabling internal and dynamic processes to emerge from their own subjective perspectives. The second part was a semi-structured interview comprising specific questions and themes that arose during the previous interview. At times, interviews extended more than seven hours, thanks to the cordial hospitality of the Druzes, and they often included invitations for traditional meals prepared beforehand and conversations with other members of the family. My alienness as a researcher was obvious, however; during the research I found that my positioning as an outsider or insider was not fixed (See Author, 2007). In some cases, I was an “outsider” not understanding the culture and religion, not aware of the various meanings of the customs and words. When other topics were discussed, however, I was treated as an “insider” since I was one of the few people with whom the participants could talk about the experiences of their education and the different world to which they were exposed, a world to which I belonged. Being a stranger, and at the same time understanding their experiences in Israeli universities, enabled them to speak freely about their inner worlds, their inner conflicts and difficulties (see Simmel, 1921 in Simmel, 1950). Method of Analysis Phenomenological narrative methodology, based on life stories and their interpretation (Bruner, 1991; Bruner, 1991), enabled a closer understanding of the interviewees’ self-perceived, subjective point of view (Bruner, 1991; Reinharz, 1997:5; Maynard and Purvis, 1994:12; Taylor, 1998). Giorgi’s phenomenological analysis (Giorgi, 1989) was selected for its adherence to the text. Many of the women’s own personal narratives are presented in the text, allowing marginalized women to make their private stories public (Pessate-Schubert, 2003) and their voices heard (Maynard & Purvis, 1994; Taylor, 1998). Findings and Discussion Identity Changes Following Higher Education While studying at university, the first students encountered methods of study that differed from the authoritarian approaches that were the norm in the Druze and Arab schools the women had attended (Al-Haj, 1988; Dwairy, 1998 Alean, 2006). This period of university study exposed the Druze students to individualistic theories and norms that altered their notions about the individual's place in society. Studying in a different, Western culture and encountering different views, values and norms enabled them to gain a new perspective through which they could review and reflect upon their own needs, values and way of life. During their years at university the interviewees experienced an attitude which encouraged independent thought, permitted the questioning of knowledge and authority, and legitimized inquiry (Author, 2006b, 2004). They were encouraged to express their views and give voice to their unique ideas. This period exposed the Druze students not only to academic knowledge, but also to different Western values (ibid, see Al-Haj 1988). 25

European Journal <strong>of</strong> Social Sciences – Volume 5, Number 3 (2007)<br />

traditional prohibition. Today, higher education has become accepted for women, and the number <strong>of</strong><br />

female Druze students is higher than that <strong>of</strong> men.<br />

Women, Traditional Cultures and Effects <strong>of</strong> Higher Education<br />

Since these findings focus on the effects <strong>of</strong> higher education on women’s lives and identities, a short<br />

review <strong>of</strong> the existing research on this topic will follow. The predominant research highlights the<br />

positive aspects <strong>of</strong> academic education on women’s lives and on their families, ignoring the internal<br />

dynamics and identity processes affected by being educated in Western universities and returning to<br />

live in their original cultures.<br />

Arab feminists consider women’s education an essential component <strong>of</strong> human capital<br />

development and nation building (Abu Baker, undated; Amawi, 1996; Khalidi and Tucker, 1996, in<br />

Pessate-Schubert, 2003). Studies that have examined the effects <strong>of</strong> women’s education in Arab society<br />

found that it had a positive impact on individual lives and on society as a whole (Araf, 1997; Ahmad-<br />

Fauzia, 2001; Arnhold, 2000; Baburajan, 1998, 1998; Katjavivi, 2000; Abu Rabia Queder, 2005;<br />

Espanioly, 2005). Scholars have also noted that education leads to women’s greater involvement in the<br />

labor market and in public activities (As-Sadawi, 1988), to women's empowerment (Perry, 2000;<br />

Bubtana, 2000) and to the development <strong>of</strong> independent thinking patterns (Whalley, 1988; Author,<br />

2004, Author, 2006b). Furthermore, educated women influence changes in the status <strong>of</strong> women in their<br />

communities (Author, 2006a), play a more active role in their choice <strong>of</strong> a partner (Meller, 2000, p. 43) 3<br />

and encourage marriage at a more mature age (Moghadam, 1993).<br />

The subject <strong>of</strong> higher education among women from Palestinian minority groups in Israel has<br />

been researched only in the past few years (Weiner-Levy, 2000; 2002, Meller, 2000; Pessate-Schubert,<br />

2003; Abu Rabia-Queder, 2006(. Most studies have related to education as a means <strong>of</strong> progress,<br />

leading to personal change in the women’s lives. However, changes in identity have not been<br />

investigated in the same way.<br />

The positive implications <strong>of</strong> higher education are well acknowledged. Nevertheless, discourse<br />

concerning the benefits <strong>of</strong> education for women tends to ignore and even deny the hurdles, internal<br />

transitions and pain that the inevitable losses have entailed (Lucey, 2003), ignoring the intrapersonal<br />

dynamics and identity transitions associated with processes <strong>of</strong> being educated and <strong>of</strong> adopting an<br />

alternative path. A more thorough understanding <strong>of</strong> these effects will enhance comprehension <strong>of</strong> the<br />

emotional processes and identity changes undergone by women from traditional cultures who obtain<br />

higher education.<br />

Method<br />

A phenomenological narrative methodology was selected to analyze individual experiences and <strong>social</strong><br />

realities from a subjective perspective (Taylor 1998), exploring the interviewees’ life stories and the<br />

reflected narrative identity. This approach adopts a postmodern point <strong>of</strong> view and assumes an internal<br />

relationship between the individual’s life and the story told (Sarbin 1986; Schafer 1992; Gergen and<br />

Gergen 1988; Neisser 1994). Life stories recount the course <strong>of</strong> events and the meanings people ascribe<br />

to them, influenced by the individual’s <strong>social</strong> and cultural environment (Scheibe 1985; Sarup 1996). In<br />

this study, the term “identity” refers to a “narrative identity” constructed according to the interviewee’s<br />

life story (Sarbin 1986; Schafer 1992; Gergen and Gergen 1983 1986 1988; Neisser 1994).<br />

3<br />

Additional studies conducted in Israel regarding Palestinian women reflect reinforcement <strong>of</strong> their ethnic national identity (Erdreich, 2002; Masrawa,<br />

2002).<br />

24

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