european journal of social sciences issn: 1450-2267 - EuroJournals
european journal of social sciences issn: 1450-2267 - EuroJournals
european journal of social sciences issn: 1450-2267 - EuroJournals
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European Journal <strong>of</strong> Social Sciences – Volume 5, Number 3 (2007)<br />
influence <strong>of</strong> higher education as it was manifested in the Druze women’s lives and in their narrative<br />
identities. These aspects were affected both by the uniqueness <strong>of</strong> the women as the first in their<br />
communities to achieve higher learning and by the intercultural transitions they experienced along the<br />
way.<br />
In order to obtain a better understanding <strong>of</strong> the Druze, I shall briefly attempt to shed some light<br />
on Druze culture, followed by a partial overview <strong>of</strong> the woman’s place in Druze society:<br />
The Druze Community: Tradition and Cultural Gender Roles<br />
The Druze are a small and closed <strong>social</strong> and religious community. They live in high mountain villages<br />
in Syria, Lebanon and Israel, constituting a small minority <strong>of</strong> the populations <strong>of</strong> these countries.<br />
Despite some resemblance to the Arab population, and the fact that Druze speak Arabic, they form a<br />
distinct group. Research studies, and the Druze themselves, have debated whether they are part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Arab world. The Druze religion is esoteric, and most <strong>of</strong> its precepts are kept secret from outsiders. One<br />
well-known aspect <strong>of</strong> their religion is the belief in reincarnation. The Druze community has strong ties<br />
to the land; they form a collective society and have extended patriarchal and patrilinear families (Katz,<br />
1990; Layish, 1985), and a clear internal hierarchy with women at the bottom.<br />
The status <strong>of</strong> women in the Druze family is inferior to that <strong>of</strong> men. They must dress modestly,<br />
have no contact with strangers, and attend to housework and child rearing (Dwairy, 1998). 2 Women<br />
must obey men. If the father is absent, they must obey their brothers or older male children. Women do<br />
not play an active role in decision making within the family. Obeying or listening to women’s advice is<br />
regarded as humiliating by the men (Barkat, 1985). The men <strong>of</strong> the family have absolute authority in<br />
all decisions regarding women, and are responsible for them (Al-Haj, 1988).<br />
Traditional norms compel women to remain physically close to home, prohibited from leaving<br />
the villages without the escort and supervision <strong>of</strong> a male family member. Women cannot visit public<br />
places, such as the theatre, cinemas, concerts, cafes, nor can they spend time shopping. Women and<br />
girls must remain timid and ‘innocent’; they are forbidden to spend time in male company or to speak<br />
to men who are not close relatives. The strength <strong>of</strong> these norms is achieved by a network <strong>of</strong> relatives<br />
whose behavior gains legitimacy through the traditional code <strong>of</strong> family honor (Lewin-Epstein and<br />
Semyonov, 1992).<br />
The status <strong>of</strong> Druze women, as a whole, has not been affected by changes in surrounding<br />
societies, and, although during the past few years significant role changes have taken place (mainly due<br />
to the changes brought on by the educated women), most Druze women conform to the cultural norms.<br />
Entering Higher Education<br />
The first Druze women who sought higher education, breached traditional norms and gender roles:<br />
they had to leave the village, despite traditional prohibitions, and to study in the company <strong>of</strong> men. The<br />
women not only encountered strong opposition from friends and relatives, but as a result, some <strong>of</strong> their<br />
families were ostracized by the village community and expelled from the Druze religion. Although this<br />
punishment is intended solely for murderers and adulterers, the religious leaders chose to use it against<br />
the first women students and their families. People <strong>of</strong> the Druze community did not speak to the<br />
excommunicated family and did not attend their weddings or funerals. Nihaya, one <strong>of</strong> the interviewees<br />
explained: “Even a cup <strong>of</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee, even a glass <strong>of</strong> water, may not be drunk in the house <strong>of</strong> an ostracized<br />
woman.”<br />
During the mid-1980s, the first Druze women from villages in the vicinity <strong>of</strong> Haifa University<br />
enrolled. During the 1990s, women from villages farther away also applied. The distance between the<br />
university and their villages obliged them to sleep away from home, thus infringing upon yet another<br />
2<br />
Since there are very few studies <strong>of</strong> Druze women, the findings <strong>of</strong> research on women in Arab society have also been included where relevant, due to the<br />
similarity in customs and lifestyle between the Druze and the Arabs.<br />
23