Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society
Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society
Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society
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Posters 3057–3064 Friday Evening<br />
(3057)<br />
Does Memory Retrieval Interference Require A Verbal Competing<br />
Task? ANA M. FRANCO-WATKINS, TIM C. RICKARD, & HAROLD<br />
PASHLER, University of California, San Diego—Fernandes and<br />
Moscovitch (2000) found that a (verbal) memory retrieval task suffered<br />
interference from a verbal competing task, but not from a numerical<br />
competing task. We examined both verbal and numerical<br />
competing tasks with varying levels of difficulty. Each of these competing<br />
tasks was performed either alone or paired with a memory retrieval<br />
task. In addition to analyzing overall performance levels, we<br />
conducted a more microscopic analysis of the relative timing of responses<br />
on the two tasks in order to shed light on the degree and nature<br />
of interference. <strong>The</strong> results provide little support for the view that<br />
memory retrieval is especially susceptible to interference from concurrent<br />
verbal processing.<br />
(3058)<br />
Attentional Limits in Memory Retrieval—Revisited. COLLIN<br />
GREEN & JAMES C. JOHNSTON, NASA Ames Research Center, &<br />
ERIC RUTHRUFF, University of New Mexico—Carrier and Pashler<br />
(1995) concluded that memory retrieval is subject to a central bottleneck.<br />
Using locus-of-slack logic in a dual-task paradigm, they provided<br />
evidence that memory retrieval (both recall and recognition) on<br />
Task 2 was delayed until after the bottleneck caused by performing a<br />
tone discrimination Task 1 occurred. New experiments explored the<br />
limitations of Carrier and Pashler’s conclusions. To increase the likelihood<br />
of observing parallel processing during memory retrieval, our<br />
experiments used more typical dual-task instructions and used preferred<br />
stimulus–response modality pairings. In addition, we considered<br />
the hypothesis that central resources are required for the initiation<br />
and/or termination of memory retrieval, but not for the retrieval<br />
process itself.<br />
(3059)<br />
Probing the Link Between Orienting and IOR Using a Dual-Task<br />
Procedure. TROY A. W. VISSER, University of British Columbia,<br />
Okanagan, ROBERT BOURKE, University of Melbourne, & JENEVA<br />
L. OHAN, University of British Columbia, Okanagan—A nonpredictive<br />
visual cue presented at the same location as a target facilitates responses<br />
when the interval between cue and target (cue–target onset<br />
asynchrony; CTOA) is short (e.g., 100 msec) but slows responses<br />
when the CTOA is longer (e.g., 800 msec). This slowing is commonly<br />
referred to as inhibition of return (IOR). Although, IOR is clearly<br />
linked to the attentional shift caused by the appearance of the cue, the<br />
relationship between attention and IOR is still unclear. To investigate<br />
this issue, the present work combined a conventional cuing paradigm<br />
with a dual-task procedure. Observers were presented with a central<br />
letter target, followed by a nonpredictive peripheral cue and a peripheral<br />
target. <strong>The</strong> interval between the target letter and the cue was manipulated<br />
to vary attentional availability for the cue. Results suggest<br />
that limiting attention influenced early facilitation and later IOR, indicating<br />
that both effects were subsumed by common mechanisms.<br />
• SPEECH PERCEPTION •<br />
(3060)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Effect of Word/Emotion Congruency on Dichotic Laterality<br />
Effects. CHERYL TECHENTIN & DANIEL VOYER, University of<br />
New Brunswick (sponsored by Daniel Voyer)—<strong>The</strong> present study investigated<br />
the effect of word/emotion congruency in dichotic listening.<br />
Eighty participants were dichotically presented with pairs of<br />
words expressing emotions in one of two report conditions (blocked<br />
or randomized). Words and emotions were combined in congruent<br />
(e.g., “glad” pronounced in a happy tone) and noncongruent (e.g.,<br />
“glad” in a sad tone) pairs. Participants identified the presence of either<br />
a target word or an emotion in separate blocks or in a randomized fashion.<br />
In addition to an overall right-ear advantage (REA) for words and<br />
a left-ear advantage (LEA) for emotions, a material (word or emotion) �<br />
96<br />
congruency � ear interaction was obtained only for randomized testing.<br />
It indicated an REA for words congruent with the expressed emotion,<br />
whereas emotions showed an LEA only for incongruent stimuli.<br />
Implications of these findings for research claiming functional complementarity<br />
in the cerebral representation of verbal and nonverbal<br />
tasks are discussed.<br />
(3061)<br />
Word and Subword Units in Speech Perception. IBRAHIMA<br />
GIROUX & ARNAUD REY, LEAD-CNRS, Université de Bourgogne,<br />
Dijon (sponsored by Arnaud Rey)—Saffran et al. (1996) found that<br />
human infants are sensitive to statistical regularities corresponding to<br />
lexical units when hearing an artificial spoken language. In order to<br />
account for this early word segmentation ability, Simple Recurrent<br />
Networks (SRN: Elman, 1990) suggest that associations between subword<br />
units are strengthened with time. Alternatively, according to<br />
Parser (Perruchet & Vinter, 1998), only lexical units are strengthened<br />
independently from the weight of subword units. In the present study,<br />
we compared word and subword recognition performance of adults after<br />
hearing 2 or 10 min of an artificial spoken language. <strong>The</strong> data are consistent<br />
with Parser’s predictions showing improved performance on<br />
words after 10 min, but not on subwords. This result suggests that<br />
word segmentation abilities are not simply due to stronger subword<br />
units’ associations but to the emergence of stronger lexical representations<br />
during the development of speech perception processes.<br />
(3062)<br />
Using Pronunciation Data to Constrain Models of Spoken Word<br />
Recognition. LAURA DILLEY & MARK A. PITT, Ohio State University,<br />
& KEITH JOHNSON, University of California, Berkeley—Many<br />
of the mysteries of how spoken words are recognized have evolved out<br />
of the observation that the acoustics of speech are highly variable, yet<br />
perception is amazingly stable (i.e., listeners perceive the words intended<br />
by talkers). Proposed solutions to this perceptual constancy<br />
problem can be process oriented, in which mental processes restore<br />
or recover the intended word form en route to lexical memory, or representation<br />
oriented, in which the variation itself is encoded in the<br />
word’s lexical entry. <strong>The</strong> viability of both approaches was examined<br />
by studying the phonological and acoustic variability found in the<br />
Buckeye corpus of conversational speech, specifically in environments<br />
associated with regressive assimilation (“green” becomes<br />
“greem” in “green ball”). <strong>The</strong> results highlight obstacles that models<br />
of both classes must overcome.<br />
(3063)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Perception and Representation of an R-Dropping Dialect.<br />
MEGHAN SUMNER & ARTHUR G. SAMUEL, SUNY, Stony Brook—<br />
Much variation a listener is exposed to is due to differing phonological<br />
characteristics of dialects. For example, in American English,<br />
speakers of the Long Island dialect (LID) regularly drop the “er”<br />
sound word finally (e.g., “mother” sounds similar to “moth-uh”). An<br />
important question is how listeners within and across dialects perceive<br />
and store such variation. Four speakers from two different dialect<br />
groups (LID and non-LID) were used to address this question. Listeners<br />
participated in either a long-term priming task or a semantic<br />
priming task, with two speakers from each dialect. Examining dialectal<br />
variation in this way enabled us to see whether speakers of an<br />
r-dropping dialect stored representations similar to their own productions<br />
(regardless of the input form). It also clarified whether the predictability<br />
of the variation enables non-LID listeners to encode these<br />
variants into the already existing representations of their own dialect, or<br />
whether they created new speaker- or dialect-specific representations.<br />
(3064)<br />
Orthographic Influence in Phonological Variant Recognition.<br />
LARISSA J. RANBOM & CYNTHIA M. CONNINE, SUNY, Binghamton<br />
(sponsored by Cynthia M. Connine)—Although spoken word<br />
recognition is influenced by phonology, orthographic characteristics