Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society
Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society
Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society
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Papers 322–327 Sunday Morning<br />
EVA DREIKURS FERGUSON, Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville,<br />
& JANET M. GIBSON, Grinnell College—<strong>The</strong> effects of word<br />
repetition and social category semantic content in priming paragraphs<br />
were explored for word recall. Data from a small liberal arts private<br />
college versus results from a large public university were compared.<br />
In one study, words to be recalled were either never presented in the<br />
priming paragraph (usual semantic priming condition) or were presented<br />
once or twice, in anticipation that regardless of how immediately<br />
the words followed the priming paragraph, repetition itself<br />
would significantly improve recall. This was not found. Rather, social<br />
category semantic content and word repetition had complex effects.<br />
Word repetition effects on recall were dependent on word block order<br />
(how soon the words followed the priming paragraphs). In several<br />
studies, autocratic and democratic content affected word recall differently<br />
than did other social categories. Affective valence and strength<br />
of cognitive identity were explored to explain the semantic social category<br />
effects. Implications of the findings are discussed.<br />
11:00–11:15 (322)<br />
Multiple Priming Effects in Episodic Recognition. STEPHEN<br />
DOPKINS & JESSE SARGENT, George Washington University—In<br />
episodic recognition, a positive judgment to a word is impeded following<br />
the processing of a superficially similar word, suggesting interference<br />
in the recollective component of the recognition process. A<br />
negative judgment to a word is impeded following the processing of<br />
a semantically similar word, suggesting a positive criterion shift in the<br />
familiarity component of the recognition process. <strong>The</strong>se phenomena<br />
may be helpful in distinguishing the dual-process conceptions of Norman<br />
and O’Reilly and of Brainerd and colleagues. In addition, a positive<br />
judgment to a word is impeded and a negative judgment facilitated<br />
following a positive judgment to a word of the same syntactic<br />
class, suggesting a negative criterion shift in the familiarity component<br />
of the recognition process. <strong>The</strong> functional bases of these phenomena<br />
are discussed in terms of what may be the primary real-life<br />
manifestation of episodic recognition—the identification of repeated<br />
words in discourse.<br />
11:20–11:35 (323)<br />
What Does It Take to Implicitly Prime Low-Frequency Category<br />
Exemplars? R. REED HUNT, University of North Carolina, Greensboro—Very<br />
low frequency exemplars are resistant to implicit repetition<br />
priming on category production tasks, a fact that would not be<br />
surprising in most theories of priming. A mild startle response might<br />
be elicited, however, by the data to be presented, which show that the<br />
items resistant to repetition priming can in fact be primed implicitly<br />
following a single study trial. <strong>The</strong> results of two experiments suggest<br />
that implicit priming of very low frequency items requires a prior experience<br />
biasing the comprehension of the category label. Presentation<br />
of the category label in a sentence biasing the low-frequency interpretation<br />
of the label yielded reliable priming, even though the<br />
exemplar was not presented explicitly. Explicit presentation of the exemplar<br />
at study, even when accompanied by the label, was not sufficient<br />
to produce reliable priming.<br />
11:40–11:55 (324)<br />
Dissociation Between Recognition of Prechange Objects and Change<br />
Detection. YEI-YU YEH, CHENG-TA YANG, & YING-CHIH HUNG,<br />
National Taiwan University—This study investigated how similarity<br />
between the pre- and postchange objects affects recognition of prechange<br />
objects and change detection. Experiment 1 replicated a previous<br />
study by showing that recognition of prechange objects was worse<br />
than recognition of postchange objects. Moreover, similarity benefited<br />
recognition memory. Assuming that little information is required<br />
to recognize a prechange object with intact representation, we manipulated<br />
in Experiment 2 whether the to-be-recognized test object<br />
was masked (2A) or the density of the mask (2B and 2C). <strong>The</strong> results<br />
showed that unless the test stimuli were densely masked, recognition<br />
was above chance when the two objects shared similarity. In contrast,<br />
50<br />
similarity reduced change detection. Experiment 3 investigated<br />
whether similarity benefit arose from memory retrieval by examining<br />
the proportion of false recognition on new distractors. <strong>The</strong> results<br />
from a log-linear regression analysis showed that false recognition<br />
was higher when new distractors shared similarity with the postchange<br />
objects.<br />
Metamemory<br />
Conference Rooms B&C, Sunday Morning, 10:00–12:00<br />
Chaired by Harold Pashler, University of California, San Diego<br />
10:00–10:15 (325)<br />
Does Being Forced to Guess Make One Learn the Wrong Answer?<br />
HAROLD PASHLER, University of California, San Diego—If you do<br />
not know the answer to a question, should you avoid guessing, in order<br />
not to “stamp in” the wrong answer? <strong>The</strong>orizing by Edwin Guthrie and<br />
others would seem to imply that you should. To test this question, on<br />
Day 1, subjects were taught obscure facts, and then given a test; on<br />
Day 2, they returned for a final test. When subjects indicated on Day 1<br />
that they had no idea of the answer to a question, they were forced to<br />
guess on a randomly chosen subset of items. Regardless of whether<br />
there was immediate feedback (Experiment 1), no feedback (Experiment<br />
2), or delayed feedback (Experiment 3), Day 2 performance suggested<br />
that the forced guessing had not impaired or contaminated<br />
memory. Follow-up studies will examine the generalizability of this<br />
result beyond fact memory.<br />
10:20–10:35 (326)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Cognitive Mechanisms of Errorless Learning in Younger and<br />
Older Adults. NICOLE D. ANDERSON & SAMY ARITA, University<br />
of Toronto—Recall is higher following learning without rather than<br />
with errors (Baddeley & Wilson, 1994), but previous studies exploring<br />
contributions of implicit and explicit memory to this effect have<br />
yielded mixed results. Verbal responses were made “typical” (e.g.,<br />
knee–bend) or “atypical” (e.g., knee–bone) in a 384-pair training<br />
phase (following Hay & Jacoby, 1996). Participants in the “errorful”<br />
condition guessed (e.g., knee–b_n_), whereas in the “errorless” condition<br />
the pair was shown in full. In a study–test phase (16 lists of six<br />
typical and two atypical pairs), participants recalled the studied response<br />
word. Explicit recollection or implicit memory habit would<br />
evoke a typical response after studying a typical pair, but only implicit<br />
memory habits, in the absence of recollection, would evoke a typical<br />
response after studying an atypical pair. Explicit recollection was<br />
higher in younger than older adults, but implicit habit was greater following<br />
errorful than errorless learning. Errorless learning is mediated<br />
by implicit memory.<br />
10:40–10:55 (327)<br />
Familiarity Matching in Source Monitoring. NANCY FRANKLIN<br />
& CHUI-LUEN VERA HAU, SUNY, Stony Brook, JENNIFER L. BECK,<br />
National Opinion Research Center, & PAUL C. SYLVESTER, SUNY,<br />
Stony Brook—People often apply rational heuristics during source<br />
monitoring. For example, in probability matching, the distribution of<br />
source decisions about old items reflects the relative frequency of subjects’<br />
prior exposure to the different sources. We introduce a more sophisticated<br />
but related heuristic, familiarity matching. We base our explanation<br />
of the effect on the argument that in the real world,<br />
individual sources tend to produce redundant content (e.g., George<br />
Bush produces multiple messages over time about Iraq, and the deli<br />
guy tells you on different occasions about available coffee flavors).<br />
<strong>The</strong> greater expectation that familiar rather than unfamiliar content<br />
will come from a high-frequency source leads to an interaction between<br />
source frequency and content familiarity: People attribute more<br />
items to frequent than to infrequent sources, and this effect is increased<br />
for familiar items. We find such a familiarity matching effect even<br />
when the experience of familiarity is artificially inflated at test through<br />
simple priming.