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Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society

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Papers 322–327 Sunday Morning<br />

EVA DREIKURS FERGUSON, Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville,<br />

& JANET M. GIBSON, Grinnell College—<strong>The</strong> effects of word<br />

repetition and social category semantic content in priming paragraphs<br />

were explored for word recall. Data from a small liberal arts private<br />

college versus results from a large public university were compared.<br />

In one study, words to be recalled were either never presented in the<br />

priming paragraph (usual semantic priming condition) or were presented<br />

once or twice, in anticipation that regardless of how immediately<br />

the words followed the priming paragraph, repetition itself<br />

would significantly improve recall. This was not found. Rather, social<br />

category semantic content and word repetition had complex effects.<br />

Word repetition effects on recall were dependent on word block order<br />

(how soon the words followed the priming paragraphs). In several<br />

studies, autocratic and democratic content affected word recall differently<br />

than did other social categories. Affective valence and strength<br />

of cognitive identity were explored to explain the semantic social category<br />

effects. Implications of the findings are discussed.<br />

11:00–11:15 (322)<br />

Multiple Priming Effects in Episodic Recognition. STEPHEN<br />

DOPKINS & JESSE SARGENT, George Washington University—In<br />

episodic recognition, a positive judgment to a word is impeded following<br />

the processing of a superficially similar word, suggesting interference<br />

in the recollective component of the recognition process. A<br />

negative judgment to a word is impeded following the processing of<br />

a semantically similar word, suggesting a positive criterion shift in the<br />

familiarity component of the recognition process. <strong>The</strong>se phenomena<br />

may be helpful in distinguishing the dual-process conceptions of Norman<br />

and O’Reilly and of Brainerd and colleagues. In addition, a positive<br />

judgment to a word is impeded and a negative judgment facilitated<br />

following a positive judgment to a word of the same syntactic<br />

class, suggesting a negative criterion shift in the familiarity component<br />

of the recognition process. <strong>The</strong> functional bases of these phenomena<br />

are discussed in terms of what may be the primary real-life<br />

manifestation of episodic recognition—the identification of repeated<br />

words in discourse.<br />

11:20–11:35 (323)<br />

What Does It Take to Implicitly Prime Low-Frequency Category<br />

Exemplars? R. REED HUNT, University of North Carolina, Greensboro—Very<br />

low frequency exemplars are resistant to implicit repetition<br />

priming on category production tasks, a fact that would not be<br />

surprising in most theories of priming. A mild startle response might<br />

be elicited, however, by the data to be presented, which show that the<br />

items resistant to repetition priming can in fact be primed implicitly<br />

following a single study trial. <strong>The</strong> results of two experiments suggest<br />

that implicit priming of very low frequency items requires a prior experience<br />

biasing the comprehension of the category label. Presentation<br />

of the category label in a sentence biasing the low-frequency interpretation<br />

of the label yielded reliable priming, even though the<br />

exemplar was not presented explicitly. Explicit presentation of the exemplar<br />

at study, even when accompanied by the label, was not sufficient<br />

to produce reliable priming.<br />

11:40–11:55 (324)<br />

Dissociation Between Recognition of Prechange Objects and Change<br />

Detection. YEI-YU YEH, CHENG-TA YANG, & YING-CHIH HUNG,<br />

National Taiwan University—This study investigated how similarity<br />

between the pre- and postchange objects affects recognition of prechange<br />

objects and change detection. Experiment 1 replicated a previous<br />

study by showing that recognition of prechange objects was worse<br />

than recognition of postchange objects. Moreover, similarity benefited<br />

recognition memory. Assuming that little information is required<br />

to recognize a prechange object with intact representation, we manipulated<br />

in Experiment 2 whether the to-be-recognized test object<br />

was masked (2A) or the density of the mask (2B and 2C). <strong>The</strong> results<br />

showed that unless the test stimuli were densely masked, recognition<br />

was above chance when the two objects shared similarity. In contrast,<br />

50<br />

similarity reduced change detection. Experiment 3 investigated<br />

whether similarity benefit arose from memory retrieval by examining<br />

the proportion of false recognition on new distractors. <strong>The</strong> results<br />

from a log-linear regression analysis showed that false recognition<br />

was higher when new distractors shared similarity with the postchange<br />

objects.<br />

Metamemory<br />

Conference Rooms B&C, Sunday Morning, 10:00–12:00<br />

Chaired by Harold Pashler, University of California, San Diego<br />

10:00–10:15 (325)<br />

Does Being Forced to Guess Make One Learn the Wrong Answer?<br />

HAROLD PASHLER, University of California, San Diego—If you do<br />

not know the answer to a question, should you avoid guessing, in order<br />

not to “stamp in” the wrong answer? <strong>The</strong>orizing by Edwin Guthrie and<br />

others would seem to imply that you should. To test this question, on<br />

Day 1, subjects were taught obscure facts, and then given a test; on<br />

Day 2, they returned for a final test. When subjects indicated on Day 1<br />

that they had no idea of the answer to a question, they were forced to<br />

guess on a randomly chosen subset of items. Regardless of whether<br />

there was immediate feedback (Experiment 1), no feedback (Experiment<br />

2), or delayed feedback (Experiment 3), Day 2 performance suggested<br />

that the forced guessing had not impaired or contaminated<br />

memory. Follow-up studies will examine the generalizability of this<br />

result beyond fact memory.<br />

10:20–10:35 (326)<br />

<strong>The</strong> Cognitive Mechanisms of Errorless Learning in Younger and<br />

Older Adults. NICOLE D. ANDERSON & SAMY ARITA, University<br />

of Toronto—Recall is higher following learning without rather than<br />

with errors (Baddeley & Wilson, 1994), but previous studies exploring<br />

contributions of implicit and explicit memory to this effect have<br />

yielded mixed results. Verbal responses were made “typical” (e.g.,<br />

knee–bend) or “atypical” (e.g., knee–bone) in a 384-pair training<br />

phase (following Hay & Jacoby, 1996). Participants in the “errorful”<br />

condition guessed (e.g., knee–b_n_), whereas in the “errorless” condition<br />

the pair was shown in full. In a study–test phase (16 lists of six<br />

typical and two atypical pairs), participants recalled the studied response<br />

word. Explicit recollection or implicit memory habit would<br />

evoke a typical response after studying a typical pair, but only implicit<br />

memory habits, in the absence of recollection, would evoke a typical<br />

response after studying an atypical pair. Explicit recollection was<br />

higher in younger than older adults, but implicit habit was greater following<br />

errorful than errorless learning. Errorless learning is mediated<br />

by implicit memory.<br />

10:40–10:55 (327)<br />

Familiarity Matching in Source Monitoring. NANCY FRANKLIN<br />

& CHUI-LUEN VERA HAU, SUNY, Stony Brook, JENNIFER L. BECK,<br />

National Opinion Research Center, & PAUL C. SYLVESTER, SUNY,<br />

Stony Brook—People often apply rational heuristics during source<br />

monitoring. For example, in probability matching, the distribution of<br />

source decisions about old items reflects the relative frequency of subjects’<br />

prior exposure to the different sources. We introduce a more sophisticated<br />

but related heuristic, familiarity matching. We base our explanation<br />

of the effect on the argument that in the real world,<br />

individual sources tend to produce redundant content (e.g., George<br />

Bush produces multiple messages over time about Iraq, and the deli<br />

guy tells you on different occasions about available coffee flavors).<br />

<strong>The</strong> greater expectation that familiar rather than unfamiliar content<br />

will come from a high-frequency source leads to an interaction between<br />

source frequency and content familiarity: People attribute more<br />

items to frequent than to infrequent sources, and this effect is increased<br />

for familiar items. We find such a familiarity matching effect even<br />

when the experience of familiarity is artificially inflated at test through<br />

simple priming.

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