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Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society

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Saturday Afternoon Papers 221–227<br />

tendency was slight for actual movement but more pronounced for<br />

imagined movement. Thus, similar processes appear to operate during<br />

actual and imagined action, but accuracy requirements are<br />

weighted more heavily in imagination.<br />

2:30–2:45 (221)<br />

Moving Farther but Faster: An Exception to Fitts’s Law. JOS J.<br />

ADAM & ROBIN MOL, University of Maastricht, JAY PRATT, University<br />

of Toronto, & MARTIN H. FISCHER, University of Dundee<br />

(read by Jay Pratt)—Fitts’s law holds that movement time (MT) increases<br />

with higher indexes of difficulty (IDs; resulting from smaller<br />

targets and/or longer movement distances) across a wide range of<br />

movement tasks. Specifically, Fitts’s law states that MT increases as<br />

a logarithmic function of ID. Here we report a series of studies that<br />

show a violation of this law: When the target appears in a structured,<br />

linear display with multiple placeholders indicating the possible target<br />

locations, MTs to the most distant target (i.e., the highest ID) do<br />

not fit the logarithmic function that describes the less distant targets.<br />

Rather, the MT to the most distant target is equal to or less than the<br />

MT to the second most distant target. <strong>The</strong>se experiments suggest that<br />

Fitts’s law may be limited to egocentric visuomotor action, and, moreover,<br />

that the visual control of hand movements may use allocentric,<br />

in addition to egocentric, spatial information.<br />

2:50–3:05 (222)<br />

Rhythm in Golf. RICHARD J. JAGACINSKI, TAE HOON KIM, &<br />

STEVEN A. LAVENDER, Ohio State University—Golfers often talk<br />

about the rhythm of a golf shot without offering a precise definition<br />

of this term. <strong>The</strong> relative timing of the force pattern at the clubhead<br />

versus the force pattern against the ground provides a simplified definition<br />

of golfing rhythm. One advantage of this definition is that it<br />

facilitates comparisons across individuals with markedly different<br />

kinematic patterns of limb movement. Both (3 vs. 2) and (3 vs. 3)<br />

rhythmic force patterns were commonly exhibited in a study of short golf<br />

shots into a target net. Across individuals, shot accuracy was strongly<br />

correlated with the timing of the final weight shift relative to the force<br />

pattern early in the swing and also with the range of forces at the clubhead<br />

prior to impact.<br />

3:10–3:25 (223)<br />

Action Simulation Mediates Synchronization in Piano Duet Playing.<br />

BRUNO H. REPP, Rutgers University, Newark, and Haskins Laboratories,<br />

GÜNTHER KNOBLICH, Rutgers University, Newark, & PETER<br />

E. KELLER, University of Management and Finance, Warsaw, Poland—<br />

Ensemble musicians play in synchrony despite expressively motivated<br />

irregularities in timing. We hypothesized that synchrony is achieved<br />

by each performer internally simulating the concurrent actions of<br />

other ensemble members, relying initially on how they would perform<br />

in their stead. Hence, musicians should be better at synchronizing<br />

with recordings of their own earlier performances than with others’<br />

recordings. We required pianists to record one part from each of several<br />

piano duets and later to play the complementary part in synchrony<br />

with their own or others’ recordings. <strong>The</strong> pianists were also asked to<br />

identify their own recordings. <strong>The</strong> pianists were better at synchronizing<br />

with their own than with others’ performances, and they were able<br />

to recognize their own recordings. Furthermore, synchronization accuracy<br />

and recognition were correlated: Pianists who were relatively<br />

accurate at synchronizing with their own performances were also<br />

good at recognizing them. Thus, action simulation may underlie both<br />

synchronization and self-recognition.<br />

3:30–3:45 (224)<br />

Dyspraxia, Autism, and the Cerebellum: A Case Study. MORTON<br />

ANN GERNSBACHER, University of Wisconsin, Madison, & THOMAS<br />

A. ZEFFIRO & JOHN W. VANMETER, Georgetown University Medical<br />

Center—We provide a case study of a young male (current age<br />

9 years, 7 mos.) who presents with genius-level intellectual skills, severe<br />

oral and limb dyspraxia, and autistic traits. <strong>The</strong> child’s oral dys-<br />

35<br />

praxia is so severe that he struggles to produce vocal sounds and oral<br />

movements. His spontaneous utterances are belabored, primarily vocalic,<br />

and relatively unintelligible. <strong>The</strong> child’s limb dyspraxia is so severe<br />

that despite his genius-level IQ, he is unable to accomplish simple<br />

commands such as “touch your nose,” his imitation is profoundly<br />

impaired, and his manual gesture inventory is extremely limited.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se difficulties in executing volitional movements contrast with his<br />

excellent coordination in tasks involving balance. Structural brain<br />

imaging revealed a striking loss of white matter density in the vermis<br />

of the posterior cerebellum and its connections, paralleling postmortem<br />

analyses of “minimally verbal” individuals with autism. Implications<br />

for the speech, imitation, and gesture deficits sometimes associated<br />

with autism will be discussed.<br />

Problem Solving<br />

Civic Ballroom, Saturday Afternoon, 1:30–3:10<br />

Chaired by Stellan Ohlsson, University of Illinois, Chicago<br />

1:30–1:45 (225)<br />

Multiple Difficulties in Insight Problem Solving: <strong>The</strong> Necklace<br />

Problem. TRINA C. KERSHAW, STELLAN OHLSSON, & STACIE<br />

HARISSIS, University of Illinois, Chicago (read by Stellan Ohlsson)—<br />

In previous work, we (Kershaw & Ohlsson, 2004) have suggested that<br />

insight problems are difficult because multiple converging difficulties—<br />

perceptual, knowledge, and process factors—conspire against the solution.<br />

In the present work, we apply this multiple-convergent-factors<br />

principle to the necklace problem. Participants solved versions of the<br />

necklace problem that were designed to eliminate one or more difficulties.<br />

Problem perception was manipulated by having participants<br />

build the three-link chains that figure in the problem. Process load was<br />

reduced by eliminating the prices assigned to problem steps in the<br />

standard presentation. <strong>The</strong> results show that the elimination of multiple<br />

difficulties led to higher solution rates than the elimination of a<br />

single difficulty. <strong>The</strong> results also show that participants in the process<br />

condition had higher solution rates and solved more quickly than participants<br />

in the perceptual condition. Implications for insight problem<br />

solving theories will be discussed.<br />

1:50–2:05 (226)<br />

<strong>The</strong> Influence of Incentives on Attention During Problem Solving.<br />

MAREIKE WIETH, Albion College, & BRUCE D. BURNS, University<br />

of Sydney (read by Bruce D. Burns)—Our previous research has<br />

shown increases in problem solving performance and memory due to<br />

incentives. Attention is essential in determining what information is<br />

processed, encoded, and later retrieved (Broadbent, 1958). It was<br />

therefore hypothesized that incentives increased performance because<br />

they either expanded or shifted attentional resources. Participants performed<br />

in either dual-task (tone monitoring while solving insight and<br />

incremental problems) or single-task (problem solving only) conditions.<br />

Results showed that incentives increased problem solving performance<br />

in the single-task but not in the dual-task condition. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

findings indicate that incentives lead to an increase in performance by<br />

shifting attentional resources to the rewarded task rather than by increasing<br />

the pool of resources available for problem solving. In accord<br />

with this finding, where incentives were effective, they appeared to<br />

change the quality of processing. This methodology has the potential<br />

to provide further insight into how incentives affect cognitive<br />

processes.<br />

2:10–2:25 (227)<br />

Mental Comparisons With Complex Structures: Kin-Like Structures,<br />

Complex Trees, and Item-Specific Processing. CLAUDE G.<br />

CECH, University of Louisiana, Lafayette—In work presented previously,<br />

I showed that distance and congruity effects occurred with comparisons<br />

of relative age of individuals from learned family trees. Of<br />

particular significance was the finding that comparisons of nonlineal<br />

relatives took longer, consistent with a claim that people were sensi-

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