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Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society

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Friday Morning Papers 15–21<br />

ments. However, little is known about how children might use causal<br />

contingencies to inform their judgments of causality, especially under<br />

uncertainty. In the present study, children’s performance was remarkably<br />

similar to the performance of adults in previous studies. However,<br />

we found that young children (4- to 7-year-olds) are sensitive to both<br />

conditional and unconditional causal contingencies. Although performance<br />

within this age range is remarkably similar, we found that<br />

4-year-olds were more sensitive to unconditional causal contingencies<br />

and were more distracted by uncertainty than were 7-year-olds. Children’s<br />

sensitivity to statistical properties is a robust finding across a<br />

number of cognitive domains and might reflect an application of a<br />

fundamental cognitive mechanism that directs cognition more generally,<br />

rather than only causal knowledge acquisition.<br />

9:00–9:15 (15)<br />

<strong>The</strong> Role of Causal Knowledge in Clinical Reasoning With Mental<br />

Disorders. WOO-KYOUNG AHN, CAROLINE PROCTOR, &<br />

JESSECAE K. MARSH, Yale University—Clinicians believe that mental<br />

disorders are less likely to have essences than are medical disorders<br />

(Ahn, Flanagan, Marsh, & Sanislow, <strong>2005</strong>) and weigh the relative importance<br />

of symptoms more by statistical knowledge than by their<br />

causal theories (Ahn, Levin, & Marsh, <strong>2005</strong>). Yet Proctor and Ahn<br />

(<strong>2005</strong>) show that causal knowledge still influences inferences of unknown<br />

symptoms. Clinicians learned two mental disorder symptoms<br />

(X and Y) about each person. Clinicians who learned that X causes Y<br />

judged that a symptom associated with X, but not with Y, was more<br />

likely to be present, whereas those who learned that Y causes X in the<br />

same person judged that a symptom associated with Y, but not with<br />

X, was more likely to be present. This study shows that cause features<br />

have greater inductive potency than effect features and that how clinicians<br />

interpret causal relations of patients’ symptoms affects their inferences<br />

about unknown symptoms.<br />

9:20–9:35 (16)<br />

Statistical Contingency Has a Different Impact on Preparation<br />

Judgments Than on Causal Judgments. JAN DE HOUWER &<br />

STEFAAN VANDORPE, Ghent University, & TOM BECKERS, University<br />

of Leuven—Previous studies on causal learning showed that<br />

judgments about the causal effect of a cue on an outcome depend on<br />

the statistical contingency between the presence of the cue and that of<br />

the outcome. We demonstrate that statistical contingency has a different<br />

impact on preparation judgments (i.e., judgments about the usefulness<br />

of responses that allow one to prepare for the outcome). Our<br />

results suggest that preparation judgments primarily reflect information<br />

about the outcome in prior situations that are identical to the test<br />

situation. In addition, we show that variations in the nature of the outcome<br />

on cue-absent trials can have an impact on causal judgments.<br />

<strong>The</strong> latter findings support the hypothesis that information about cueabsent<br />

trials has an impact on causal judgments because this information<br />

can reveal hidden causes that might have been responsible for<br />

the outcome on cue-present trials.<br />

9:40–9:55 (17)<br />

Configural Learning in Social Reasoning and Consummatory Reasoning.<br />

JESSE W. WHITLOW, JR., Rutgers University, Camden—<br />

<strong>The</strong> idea that people rely on configural cues to make judgments about<br />

causal relations was studied in a social reasoning task (deciding<br />

whether one member of a group likes, dislikes, or has neutral feelings<br />

for a person judged by the group) and a consummatory reasoning task<br />

(deciding whether foods presented as part of a meal cause allergic reactions,<br />

enhanced well-being, or no effect when the meal has been<br />

consumed). Positive and negative patterning discriminations were<br />

combined with positive and negative outcomes for each task. <strong>The</strong> relative<br />

ease of positive and negative patterning discriminations depended<br />

on both the type of outcome and the type of reasoning task.<br />

Social reasoning tasks may use a different set of explanatory models<br />

than do consummatory reasoning tasks.<br />

3<br />

Discourse Processing<br />

Dominion Ballroom, Friday Morning, 8:00–10:00<br />

Chaired by Gary E. Raney, University of Illinois, Chicago<br />

8:00–8:15 (18)<br />

Anticipation and Prior Knowledge: Are <strong>The</strong>y the Key to Strategic<br />

Reading? GARY E. RANEY, University of Illinois, Chicago, MARY<br />

ANDERSON, College of DuPage, & TIMOTHY K. MIURA, SHARON<br />

R. OBEIDALLAH, & FRANCES DANIEL, University of Illinois,<br />

Chicago—Many schools promote the use of active reading strategies<br />

(adjusting reading processes on the basis of what the reader knows and<br />

how well the text is understood). We explored whether activating prior<br />

knowledge, using a pretest, promotes active reading. Readers answered<br />

six true–false questions before reading a text. Sentence reading times<br />

were sorted into three groups on the basis of subjects’ pretest responses:<br />

matched prior knowledge, did not match prior knowledge, or<br />

no prior knowledge (answered “don’t know”). For expository texts,<br />

sentences containing information that matched prior knowledge were<br />

read more quickly than sentences that did not match prior knowledge<br />

or provided new information. For an engaging, narrative-like passage,<br />

results were almost opposite. Across passages, differences in reading<br />

times between conditions varied on the basis of reading ability. Activating<br />

prior knowledge supports the use of active reading strategies,<br />

but strategies change on the basis of reading ability and the type of<br />

text read. This might reflect metacognitive functioning.<br />

8:20–8:35 (19)<br />

Causation as the Cement of Mental Representation. JENNIFER<br />

WILEY, University of Illinois, Chicago, & TOM TRABASSO, University<br />

of Chicago—Previous research has demonstrated the importance<br />

of causal structure in text processing and comprehension. <strong>The</strong> causal<br />

status of narrative text has been shown to reliably predict coherence<br />

judgments, reading times, importance ratings, recall protocols, and inference<br />

verification performance. We extend these results with studies<br />

on a diverse set of effects: goal-accessibility and reunion effects<br />

in discourse processing, and availability and hindsight biases in decision<br />

making. Across studies, we demonstrate parsimony and strength<br />

of a causality-based theory of representation for explaining a wide<br />

range of phenomena.<br />

8:40–8:55 (20)<br />

Character Attributes and the Representation of Fictional Information.<br />

ANDREW M. BOLCE & RICHARD J. GERRIG, SUNY, Stony<br />

Brook (read by Richard J. Gerrig)—In the course of experiencing fictional<br />

worlds, readers frequently encounter information that could be<br />

relevant to their nonfictional lives. Marsh, Meade, and Roediger (2003)<br />

provided a series of experiments that demonstrated the extent to which<br />

information from fictional texts becomes integrated with readers’<br />

real-world knowledge. <strong>The</strong> goal of our project was to demonstrate<br />

how the attributes of the characters who offered fictional facts affected<br />

readers’ propensity to learn those facts from fiction. In Marsh<br />

et al.’s studies, story characters offered information that was either<br />

correct (e.g., “This here, this is a sextant and it’s the main tool used<br />

at sea to navigate via the stars”), incorrect (e.g., “compass” replaced<br />

“sextant”), or neutral (e.g., “This here, this is the main tool”). Our experiments<br />

placed this type of information into the mouths of either<br />

positive or negative characters. <strong>The</strong> characters’ attributes affected<br />

readers’ patterns of responses on subsequent general knowledge<br />

questions.<br />

9:00–9:15 (21)<br />

Limits on Updating Discourse Representations. DAVID N. RAPP<br />

& PANAYIOTA KENDEOU, University of Minnesota—Successful<br />

reading necessitates not only encoding information into memory, but<br />

also updating those representations to accurately reflect what is described<br />

in the text. <strong>The</strong> degree to which readers spontaneously update

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