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Abstracts 2005 - The Psychonomic Society

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Saturday Evening Posters 5121–5122<br />

event, and sentences with an impossible and unlikely event. Sentences<br />

had the same words in critical regions and were normed for both possibility<br />

and likelihood. Results suggested that event likelihood and<br />

possibility had differential effects in the eye movement record. Results<br />

will be discussed in relation to Hagoort et al.’s (2004) ERP results.<br />

(5121)<br />

<strong>The</strong> Relative Importance of Language Factors in Word Skipping<br />

During Reading. DENIS DRIEGHE & TIMOTHY DESMET, Ghent<br />

University, & MARC BRYSBAERT, University of London (sponsored<br />

by Robert Hartsuiker)—<strong>The</strong> skipping probability of a word is influenced<br />

by its processing ease (e.g., predictability). Meta-analyses examining<br />

these influences report effect sizes across studies ranging<br />

from 0% to 13%, with an average of 8%. One study does not fit this<br />

picture: Vonk (1984) reported 23% more skipping of the pronoun<br />

(she) in Sentence 1 (Mary was envious of Helen because she never<br />

looked so good), in which the pronoun had no disambiguating value,<br />

than in Sentence 2 (Mary was envious of Albert because she never<br />

looked so good), where it did. We reexamined this ambiguity in Dutch<br />

and observed only an 8% skipping difference. Our results also show<br />

that when the pronoun was masculine (hij [he]), it was skipped 10%<br />

more often than the feminine pronoun (zij [she]), probably due to the<br />

141<br />

fact that in Dutch, the feminine pronoun can also be plural (they),<br />

making it potentially ambiguous.<br />

(5122)<br />

Interaction in Models of Spoken Word Recognition. JAMES S.<br />

MAGNUSON, TED STRAUSS, & HARLAN D. HARRIS, University<br />

of Connecticut—A long-standing debate in spoken word recognition<br />

concerns information flow: Is there feedback from lexical to sublexical<br />

representations, or does information only flow forward? Proponents<br />

of feedforward models cite Frauenfelder and Peeters (1998;<br />

FP98) as evidence that even in TRACE, an interactive model, feedback<br />

serves no functional role (aside from accounting for lexical influences<br />

on sublexical decisions). FP98 tested recognition time in<br />

TRACE for 21 words with lexical feedback on and off. About half<br />

were recognized more quickly without feedback. We revisited this result<br />

to see whether it generalizes to all words and whether feedback<br />

protects the model against noise. We tested all words in a 901-word<br />

lexicon under multiple levels of noise. Without noise, 73% of the<br />

words were recognized faster with feedback (we will discuss neighborhood<br />

characteristics of items recognized faster without feedback).<br />

With noise, both accuracy and response times were significantly better<br />

with feedback. In short, feedback helps.

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