29.01.2013 Views

S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society

S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society

S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Friday Evening Posters 3023–3029<br />

mary experiment used cohort pairs (windmill/window), familiarizing<br />

only one member in a given voice. <strong>The</strong>n eye movements were monitored<br />

while subjects identified words from a screen containing target,<br />

cohort, and unrelated pictures. When hearing the familiar voice, normalization<br />

models predict heightened early activation for target and<br />

cohort, since experience with wind- applies to both. Episodic models<br />

predict bias only to words previously heard. <strong>The</strong> fixations roughly followed<br />

an episodic pattern, but only after the disambiguation point (/m/<br />

in windmill). Thus, unlike both models, indexical information may facilitate<br />

perception of sublexical units (not words).<br />

(3023)<br />

Prosodic Influences on Segmental Context Effects: An Analysis of<br />

Neural Dynamics. DAVID W. GOW, JR. & JENNIFER A. SEGAWA,<br />

Massachusetts General Hospital—<strong>The</strong> structure of spoken language<br />

is organized around a hierarchy of units ranging from feature cues to<br />

words, phrases, sentences, and discourses. Gow’s (2003) feature cue<br />

parsing theory suggests that perceptual grouping or unitization<br />

processes produce progressive and regressive perceptual context effects<br />

in the perception of assimilated speech. In the present work, we<br />

explore the role of higher order prosodic boundaries in this unitization<br />

process. We examined the neural dynamics that produce or block<br />

assimilation context effects, using a multimodal imaging strategy involving<br />

fMRI, MEG, EEG, and anatomical MRI data and analyses of<br />

gamma phase locking and Granger causation. <strong>The</strong>se analysis tools allowed<br />

us to identify activation dependencies between ROIs making up<br />

a large distributed cell assembly responsible for different elements of<br />

spoken language processing. <strong>The</strong> results are discussed in the context<br />

of the general problems of unitization and the integration of multiple<br />

representations in speech perception.<br />

(3024)<br />

<strong>The</strong> Role of Orthography in Spoken Word Recognition. LARISSA J.<br />

RANBOM & CYNTHIA M. CONNINE, Binghamton University (sponsored<br />

by Cynthia M. Connine)—Two experiments investigated the role<br />

of orthography in the representation and processing of spoken words.<br />

<strong>The</strong> experiments capitalized on English spelling conventions, which<br />

can include letters that are not pronounced in the spoken form (i.e.,<br />

the t in castle). Processing of silent-letter words pronounced with and<br />

without the silent letter (e.g., castle pronounced with or without a /t/)<br />

was compared with control words with no silent letter (e.g., hassle<br />

pronounced with or without a /t/). In Experiment 1, a same/different<br />

task for words pronounced correctly or with the inserted phoneme<br />

showed greater confusability for the silent-letter words (e.g., when the<br />

inserted phoneme matched the orthography) than for the controls. In<br />

Experiment 2, equivalent priming effects were found for the correct<br />

and segment-added pronunciation only for silent-letter words. We<br />

suggest that phonological representations computed from an orthographic<br />

form are represented in the lexicon and are active during spoken<br />

word recognition.<br />

(3025)<br />

Years of Exposure to English Predicts Perception and Production of<br />

/r/ and /l/ by Native Speakers of Japanese. ERIN M. INGVALSON,<br />

Carnegie Mellon University, JAMES L. MCCLELLAND, Stanford<br />

University, & LORI L. HOLT, Carnegie Mellon University—Length<br />

of residency (LOR) in a second language (L2) environment is a reliable<br />

predictor of overall L2 proficiency. We examined whether LOR<br />

in an English-speaking society would predict native Japanese (NJ)<br />

speakers’ proficiency with English /r/ and /l/, notoriously difficult<br />

sounds for NJ speakers. NJ participants with under 2, 2–5, or<br />

10+ years of residency were assessed on perception and production of<br />

/r/ and /l/ plus other proficiency and exposure variables. Of interest<br />

was onset frequency of the third formant (F3), the most reliable cue<br />

differentiating English /r/ and /l/ but one that is very difficult for native<br />

Japanese. Longer LOR was associated with greater reliance on<br />

F3, and F3 weighting was correlated with rated English-like production.<br />

Reliance on F3 approached native levels for some in the longest<br />

90<br />

LOR group, suggesting that adult plasticity extends to some of the<br />

most difficult aspects of L2 proficiency.<br />

(3026)<br />

Apparent Lexical Compensation for Coarticulation Effects Are<br />

Due to Experimentally Induced Biases. ALEXANDRA JESSE &<br />

JAMES M. MCQUEEN, Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics,<br />

& DENNIS NORRIS, MRC Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit—An<br />

empirical pillar of the interactive view of speech perception (Mc-<br />

Clelland et al., 2006) is the evidence of apparent top-down influence<br />

of lexical knowledge on compensation for coarticulation. Magnuson<br />

et al. (2003), for example, showed that lexical knowledge about an<br />

ambiguous fricative (“sh” not “s” forms a word in “bru?”) appeared<br />

to change perception of a following ambiguous plosive (more “t” responses<br />

in “bru?-?apes”), like hearing an unambiguous fricative<br />

would. A series of phonetic-categorization experiments with the<br />

Magnuson et al. materials show that their result was due to experimentally<br />

induced response biases rather than lexical knowledge. <strong>The</strong><br />

direction of the effect varied as a function of the probability of word<br />

(bliss/brush) and nonword (blish/bruss) trials during practice. With<br />

these probabilities equated, no lexical compensation for coarticulation<br />

effect was found. <strong>The</strong>se findings suggest that speech perception<br />

is not interactive, and that listeners are sensitive to biases created by<br />

only 16 practice trials.<br />

(3027)<br />

Gradient Sensitivity to Continuous Acoustic Detail: Avoiding the<br />

Lexical Garden-Path. BOB MCMURRAY, University of Iowa, &<br />

RICHARD N. ASLIN & MICHAEL K. TANENHAUS, University of<br />

Rochester (sponsored by Richard N. Aslin)—Spoken word recognition<br />

is gradiently sensitive to cues like voice onset time (VOT; McMurray,<br />

Tanenhaus, & Aslin, 2002). We ask how long such detail is retained<br />

and whether it facilitates recognition. A lexical garden-path paradigm<br />

used pairs such as barricade/parakeet. If voicing were ambiguous, the<br />

system must wait considerable time to identify the referent. VOT was<br />

varied from the target (barricade) to a garden-path inducing nonword<br />

(parricade). If VOT is retained, it could facilitate reactivation at the<br />

point-of-disambiguation (POD). However, if it was lost, there should<br />

be no effect of VOT on disambiguation. Using eyetracking, we examined<br />

cases where listeners overtly committed (fixated) the competitor<br />

prior to the POD. Recovery time was linearly related to VOT.<br />

This replicated when the screen did not contain the competitor. Thus,<br />

sensitivity to continuous acoustic detail persists and can facilitate online<br />

recognition. TRACE can only model this under restricted parameter<br />

sets, suggesting important constraints on this model.<br />

(3028)<br />

Word Segmentation in the “Real World” of Conversational Speech.<br />

JOSEPH D. W. STEPHENS & MARK A. PITT, Ohio State University—<br />

Language comprehension requires segmentation of continuous speech<br />

into discrete words. An understanding of the problems faced by the<br />

perceptual system during segmentation can be gained from analyses<br />

of corpora of spontaneous speech. Analyses of phonetic transcriptions<br />

of the Buckeye Corpus were used to define the problem in detail. <strong>The</strong><br />

results revealed that in some high-frequency environments (e.g., following<br />

schwa), acoustic and phonetic information was ambiguous in<br />

the location of word boundaries. Experiments were then performed to<br />

investigate how listeners resolve these ambiguities. In line with the<br />

work of Mattys et al. (2005), the results suggest that contextual information<br />

drives segmentation because strong acoustic cues to word<br />

boundaries are often absent.<br />

(3029)<br />

Effects of Nonspeech Contexts on Speech Categorization: A Critical<br />

Examination. NAVIN VISWANATHAN, JAMES S. MAGNUSON, &<br />

CAROL A. FOWLER, University of Connecticut and Haskins Laboratories—On<br />

the general auditory account of speech perception, compensation<br />

for coarticulation results from spectral contrast rather than

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!