29.01.2013 Views

S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society

S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society

S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

Saturday Afternoon Papers 217–222<br />

University, & RÉMI GAUDREAULT, University of Laval (read by<br />

Richard J. Schweickert)—Recent studies suggest that timing and executive<br />

functions are closely related. Interference between timing and<br />

one executive function, task switching, was examined in three experiments.<br />

Memory search and a digit task (odd–even) were performed in<br />

four conditions: search–search, search–digit, digit–search, and digit–<br />

digit. In a control condition, participants provided RT responses in<br />

each of the two tasks (T1 followed by T2). In a timing condition, participants<br />

responded to T2 at the end of an interval production in which<br />

T2 was interpolated (T1 followed by T2 concurrent with timing).<br />

When responding in T2 required a task switch, RTs were longer but<br />

produced intervals were unaffected. A dissociation was found in the<br />

last experiment: Longer RTs were obtained (1) by increasing memory<br />

load and (2) by task switching, whereas time productions were lengthened<br />

by increasing memory load only, not by task switching. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

results suggest that timing is independent of task switching.<br />

2:30–2:45 (217)<br />

Temporal Contexts in Choice Response Time. TRISH VAN ZANDT<br />

& MARI RIESS JONES, Ohio State University (read by Mari Riess<br />

Jones)—<strong>The</strong> theory that a simple choice among N alternatives entails<br />

the gradual accumulation of evidence over time is widely accepted<br />

and consistent with recent neurophysiological studies. Although<br />

mathematical models embracing this idea vary, all assume that evidence<br />

accumulation can be represented as a stochastic process that<br />

terminates when the level of accumulated evidence exceeds a fixed<br />

criterion. Typically, a “front-end” signal detection theory offers parameters<br />

based on stimulus factors that determine variability in the rates<br />

of this accumulation process. We show that temporal properties of a<br />

task context within an experiment can affect this accumulation<br />

process. We present data indicating that subjects exploit task rhythm<br />

to improve their performance. A diffusion model describes the choice<br />

task, and an entrainment model (Large & Jones, 1999) describes modulation<br />

of diffusion parameters. Together these two models can explain<br />

some of the observed findings, including an elimination of a<br />

speed–accuracy trade-off.<br />

2:50–3:05 (218)<br />

Movement Timing and Concurrent Working Memory Tasks: Effects<br />

of Age and Musical Skill. RALF TH. KRAMPE, ANN LAVRYSEN,<br />

& MIHALIS DOUMAS, University of Leuven—Multipurpose timing<br />

mechanisms such as those underlying simple tapping are typically assumed<br />

to operate autonomously and to be located in subcortical regions<br />

(e.g., cerebellar or basal ganglia). From this perspective, interference<br />

from cognitive tasks seems unlikely. We show, in contrast, that even<br />

simple tapping suffers from simultaneous engagement in working<br />

memory or executive control tasks. Under dual-task conditions participants<br />

tend to play faster, more variable, and they show stronger trends.<br />

In a study with children (8-, 10-, and 12-year-olds), young and older<br />

adults, we demonstrate that dual-task costs show a U-shaped function<br />

with age, even if cognitive demands are individually adjusted for. At the<br />

same time, musical skill pertains a timing advantage that grows with<br />

age from childhood to adulthood and remains stable until old age.<br />

Language and Thought<br />

Seaview, Saturday Afternoon, 1:30–3:10<br />

Chaired by Alan W. Kersten, Florida Atlantic University<br />

1:30–1:45 (219)<br />

Attention to Manner of Motion in a Speeded Classification Task.<br />

ALAN W. KERSTEN, SIMONE L. CHIN, & MONICA A. CEDENO,<br />

Florida Atlantic University—Prior research demonstrates that speakers<br />

of English, a language in which frequent reference is made to the<br />

way a creature moves, attend more strongly to manner of motion under<br />

some circumstances than do speakers of languages in which manner<br />

of motion is less prominent. <strong>The</strong> present research examined whether<br />

English speakers’ attention to manner of motion is limited to high-<br />

34<br />

level problem-solving tasks, in which explicit linguistic mediation is<br />

likely, or whether it generalizes to a lower level, perceptually based<br />

task. English speakers played a video game in which they shot down<br />

enemy creatures while leaving friendly creatures unharmed. Participants<br />

were given a perfectly valid color cue to classify the creatures.<br />

Unbeknownst to participants, the manner of motion of a creature was<br />

also strongly predictive. Participants were faster and more accurate at<br />

shooting down enemy creatures that moved like prior enemy creatures,<br />

even without conscious awareness of the manner of motion cue.<br />

1:50–2:05 (220)<br />

Mrs. Giraffe and Mr. Elephant: <strong>The</strong> Influence of Grammatical<br />

Gender on German Speakers’ Inductive Reasoning in the Animal<br />

Domain. HENRIK SAALBACH, ETH Zurich, MUTSUMI IMAI,<br />

Keio University, & LENNART SCHALK, ETH Zurich (read by Mutsumi<br />

Imai)—In German, grammatical gender assignment is independent<br />

of the referent’s biological sex (e.g., even a male giraffe is grammatically<br />

treated as feminine, and referred to by the female pronoun).<br />

We examined whether grammatical gender affects German speakers’<br />

inductive generalization of sex-specific biological properties by comparing<br />

German- and Japanese-speaking children and adults. <strong>The</strong><br />

grammatical gender contributed more strongly than the animal’s typicality<br />

for predicting German 5-year-olds’ willingness to generalize<br />

the sex-specific property to the target animal, while they drew inductive<br />

inference about non-sex-specific biological properties in accord<br />

with typicality. Japanese children’s willingness to make inductive generalization<br />

is only determined by typicality of the target animal both<br />

for the sex-specific and non-sex-specific properties. Grammatical<br />

gender also influenced German adults’ inductive inference of sexspecific<br />

biological properties though in a more subtle way than children.<br />

We discuss how grammatical gender interacts with universal<br />

constraints in German speakers’ inductive inference about sexspecific<br />

and nonspecific properties.<br />

2:10–2:25 (221)<br />

Do English and Mandarin Speakers Think Differently About Time?<br />

LERA BORODITSKY, Stanford University—Do the languages we<br />

speak shape the way we think? Some previous work demonstrated that<br />

speakers of English and Mandarin think about time differently. This<br />

work has recently been brought into question. Here I present new evidence<br />

that once again demonstrates a difference between English and<br />

Mandarin speakers’ construals of time. Both languages use horizontal<br />

and vertical spatial language to talk about time. For example, in<br />

English we might say that the best is ahead of us, or we may move a<br />

meeting up. In English, vertical metaphors are relatively infrequent<br />

and horizontal metaphors predominate. In Mandarin, both horizontal<br />

and vertical metaphors are frequent. Importantly, vertical metaphors<br />

are much more frequent in Mandarin than they are in English. Here I<br />

present evidence that Mandarin speakers don’t just talk about time<br />

vertically more frequently than English speakers; they also think<br />

about time vertically more frequently than do English speakers.<br />

2:30–2:45 (222)<br />

Distinguishing Facts From Opinions: A Cross-Cultural Comparison.<br />

JING FENG & MITCHELL RABINOWITZ, Fordham University<br />

(read by Mitchell Rabinowitz)—What features do people use to distinguish<br />

facts from opinions? Last year we presented data that suggested<br />

that people consider a fact to be something that you believe and<br />

think others would also judge it to be true; an opinion is something<br />

that you think might or might not be true and others may or may not<br />

agree with it. We found that people used these features when discriminating<br />

between statements taken from general knowledge and<br />

from a newspaper article. We also found that while there was consensus<br />

as to what the features were that distinguishes a fact from an<br />

opinion, there was little consensus as to what actually was a fact or an<br />

opinion. <strong>The</strong> purpose of the present study was to assess whether this<br />

pattern of results generalizes across cultures (American vs. Chinese)<br />

and with varying content.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!