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S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society

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Papers 120–126 Friday Afternoon<br />

SHIM, MIT, & TAL MAKOVSKI, University of Minnesota—Is the<br />

number of objects one can hold in visual working memory (VWM)<br />

constant, or is it variable, such that VWM holds more simple objects<br />

than complex objects? Previous studies produced conflicting results.<br />

Although VWM for “complex” objects is worse than for “simple” objects,<br />

this difference may reflect effects of similarity rather than complexity.<br />

To dissect complexity from memory-probe similarity, we<br />

measured VWM performance for complex (face identity along a morphing<br />

continuum) and simple attributes (line orientation), at different<br />

memory load and different memory-probe similarities. At memory<br />

load 1, face performance was worse than line performance when faces<br />

changed in steps of 10% and lines changed in steps of 5 degrees. As<br />

memory load tripled or quadrupled, this difference was reversed<br />

rather than exacerbated, such that face performance was better than<br />

line performance at these steps. We conclude that complex objects<br />

don’t fill up VWM capacity faster than simple objects.<br />

4:50–5:05 (120)<br />

Discrete Fixed-Resolution Representations in Visual Working<br />

Memory. WEIWEI ZHANG & STEVEN J. LUCK, University of California,<br />

Davis (read by Steven J. Luck)—Some researchers have proposed<br />

that visual working memory stores a limited set of discrete,<br />

fixed-resolution representations, whereas others have proposed that<br />

working memory consists of a pool of resources that can be allocated<br />

flexibly to provide a small number of high-resolution representations<br />

or a large number of low-resolution representations. We addressed this<br />

controversy by using a color recall task that provides independent<br />

measures of the number of representations stored in working memory<br />

and the resolution of each representation. We show that, when presented<br />

with more than a few objects, observers store a high-resolution<br />

representation of a subset of the objects and retain no information<br />

about the others. We further show that memory resolution varies over<br />

a narrow range that cannot be explained in terms of a general resource<br />

pool but can be well explained by a model consisting solely of a small<br />

set of discrete, fixed-resolution representations.<br />

5:10–5:25 (121)<br />

Selective Storage and Maintenance of an Object’s Features in Visual<br />

Working Memory. GEOFFREY F. WOODMAN, Vanderbilt University,<br />

& EDWARD K. VOGEL, University of Oregon—It has been shown that<br />

we have a highly capacity-limited representational space with which<br />

to store objects in visual working memory. However, most objects are<br />

composed of multiple feature attributes and it is unknown whether observers<br />

can voluntarily store a single attribute of an object without<br />

necessarily storing all of its remaining features. In this study, we used<br />

a masking paradigm to measure the efficiency of encoding and neurophysiological<br />

recordings to directly measure visual working memory<br />

maintenance while subjects viewed multifeature objects and were<br />

required to remember only a single feature or all of the features of the<br />

objects. We found that measures of both encoding and maintenance<br />

varied systematically as a function of which object features were task<br />

relevant. <strong>The</strong>se experiments show goal-directed control over which<br />

features of an object are selectively stored in working memory.<br />

Sentence Processing<br />

Seaview, Friday Afternoon, 3:50–5:30<br />

Chaired by Peter C. Gordon<br />

University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill<br />

3:50–4:05 (122)<br />

Independence of Sentence Processing and Reasoning. YOON-<br />

HYOUNG LEE & PETER C. GORDON, University of North Carolina,<br />

Chapel Hill (read by Peter C. Gordon)—A new method is presented<br />

for examining the interaction of sentence processing with other cognitive<br />

processes in which both the syntactic complexity of a sentence<br />

and the difficulty of reasoning about the information in that sentence<br />

are manipulated. In the experiments sentence complexity was manip-<br />

19<br />

ulated through the use of different types of relative clauses. Difficulty<br />

of reasoning was manipulated by whether or not the structure of a twoclause<br />

sentence made it possible to use explicit information in the two<br />

clauses to make a transitive inference about the relationship between<br />

two entities that were not explicitly related in the sentence by verbs.<br />

Reading time and response-accuracy data support the conclusion that<br />

reasoning in this task occurs after basic processes of sentence interpretation,<br />

and that those processes are not influenced by the cognitive<br />

demands of reasoning.<br />

4:10–4:25 (123)<br />

Sense, Structure, and Sentence Comprehension. MARY HARE &<br />

TRACY TABACZYNSKI, Bowling Green State University, KEN<br />

MCRAE, University of Western Ontario, & JEFF ELMAN, University of<br />

California, San Diego—Meaning and structure are related in language:<br />

Many verbs have multiple senses, which tend to occur in different syntactic<br />

structures. We examined whether such meaning–structure correlations<br />

influence comprehension of sentences containing verbs like<br />

burn, which have both a change-of-state and a causative sense, with<br />

the first biased toward intransitive structures (the popcorn burned)<br />

and the second toward transitives (the popcorn burned his fingers).<br />

Pairs of transitive and of intransitive sentences were created, with the<br />

same verb preceded by a subject NP that was either a good patient or<br />

good cause/instrument for the event the verb described. Intransitive<br />

sentences were read more quickly in the postverbal region when the<br />

subject NP was a good patient than when it was a good cause; the opposite<br />

was true for transitive sentences. This suggests that the subject<br />

NP serves as a biasing context, activating different verb senses and<br />

consequently different expectations about upcoming structure.<br />

4:30–4:45 (124)<br />

<strong>The</strong> Syntactic Use of Idioms: <strong>The</strong> Competence Model. PATRIZIA L.<br />

TABOSSI, University of Trieste—Idioms (e.g., kick the bucket) are<br />

syntactically defective expressions; that is, they cannot enter all the<br />

syntactic operations that comparable literal strings can accept. For example,<br />

the passive sentence <strong>The</strong> bucket was kicked by Paul can be used<br />

literally, but loses its figurative meaning. However, idioms can undergo<br />

many syntactic operations and what determines people’s ability<br />

to use these expressions in a syntactically appropriate fashion is<br />

still a wide-open question. <strong>The</strong> paper presents a model of how speakers/<br />

listeners can accomplish this task, along with empirical evidence in<br />

support of its claims. According to this model, one’s linguistic competence,<br />

along with the knowledge of the meaning of an idiom, imposes<br />

constraints on what operations that idiom can or cannot accept.<br />

<strong>The</strong> advantages of the proposed hypothesis compared with alternative<br />

theoretical views are discussed.<br />

4:50–5:05 (125)<br />

BOLD Signal Response to Implicit Syntactic Processing. DAVID N.<br />

CAPLAN, Massachusetts General Hospital, & GLORIA S. WATERS,<br />

Boston University—BOLD signal was measured while 16 participants<br />

made timed font change detection judgments in sentences that varied<br />

in their syntactic form (subject- and object-extracted sentences). Accuracy<br />

was above 85% for all sentence types. RTs showed unimodal<br />

distributions for all sentence types, indicating that the participants<br />

processed all sentences similarly. <strong>The</strong>re were longer RTs to objectthan<br />

to subject-extracted sentences without font changes and longer<br />

RTs for sentences in which the font change occurred at the embedded<br />

noun or verb of object- compared to subject-extracted sentences, indicating<br />

that sentences were processed to the level of syntactic structure.<br />

BOLD signal increased for object-extracted sentences without<br />

font changes in left supramarginal gyrus. <strong>The</strong> result provides evidence<br />

that left supramarginal gyrus plays a role in implicit syntactic and associated<br />

semantic processing of object-extracted relative clauses.<br />

5:10–5:25 (126)<br />

Contingent Cue Facilitation and No Structural Priming for Reduced<br />

Relatives. GAIL MAUNER & TODD D. REEVES, University at Buf-

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