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S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society

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Papers 79–85 Friday Afternoon<br />

presentation theory, participants who made public predictions about<br />

private performances were overconfident about their task performance,<br />

while all other participants were underconfident. In addition,<br />

Prediction Privacy interacted with Self-Monitoring status (high vs.<br />

low) on performance outcomes, such that high self-monitors who<br />

made public predictions worked the hardest and solved the most anagrams,<br />

whereas low self-monitors who made private predictions<br />

worked the least hard and solved the fewest anagrams. <strong>The</strong>se findings<br />

have important theoretical and practical implications concerning how<br />

people’s public predictions may be related to their future performance.<br />

1:50–2:05 (79)<br />

Randomness Is Not a Unitary Concept. BRUCE D. BURNS &<br />

CECILIA R. COX, University of Sydney—When people are told to regard<br />

a process as random, what do they think that means? This was examined<br />

in a series of questionnaires that presented university students<br />

with nine statements and asked them to rate each with regard to how<br />

characteristic they were of a random process (from must be true to<br />

irrelevant). <strong>The</strong> results revealed widespread disagreement as to what<br />

characteristics were defining for a process labeled random. Factor<br />

analysis found three factors consistently. <strong>The</strong> first was a predictiveness<br />

factor on which loaded statements about the lack of predictiveness, patterns,<br />

and streaks. A second factor was independence/noncausality on<br />

which equality of probabilities of outcomes also loaded. Correlations<br />

of scores based on these two factors were significant but consistently<br />

low. ACT scores correlated with independence/causality scores. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

results suggest that what people understand about a process when told<br />

it is random is surprisingly variable.<br />

2:10–2:25 (80)<br />

Framing Effects Under Cognitive Load: Working Memory and Risky<br />

Decisions. PAUL WHITNEY, CHRISTA A. RINEHART, JOHN M.<br />

HINSON, ALLISON L. MATTHEWS, & AARON K. WIRICK, Washington<br />

State University—Recent studies of cortical activity during<br />

positively and negatively framed decisions indicate that the emotional<br />

circuitry in the orbitomedial PFC, and to a lesser extent the WM circuits<br />

of the dorsolateral PFC, are involved in framing effects. <strong>The</strong><br />

present study provides complementary behavioral evidence on framing<br />

and risky decisions under conditions in which the available WM<br />

resources and affective context were experimentally manipulated. Participants<br />

made choices between a sure monetary gain or loss and a<br />

gamble that could result in keeping a larger amount of money. In the<br />

load conditions, each decision was made while maintaining a cold<br />

(digit) or a hot (affectively negative or positive word) load in WM.<br />

Both hot and cold loads influenced risk taking, but the effects did not<br />

interact with the decision frames. <strong>The</strong> results have important implications<br />

for dual process views of decision making.<br />

2:30–2:45 (81)<br />

Cognitive Aging and the Adaptive Selection of Decision Strategies.<br />

RUI MATA, LAEL J. SCHOOLER, & JÖRG RIESKAMP, Max Planck<br />

Institute for Human Development (read by Lael J. Schooler)—Does<br />

aging compromise decision-making abilities? Or does experience offset<br />

losses due to age-related cognitive decline? We investigated<br />

younger and older adults’ strategy selection in environments favoring<br />

either the use of information-intensive strategies or simpler, informationfrugal<br />

strategies. Older adults looked up less information, took longer<br />

to process it, and used simpler, less cognitively demanding strategies<br />

in both environments compared to younger adults. Nevertheless,<br />

younger and older adults seem to be savvy decision makers in that<br />

they adapted their information search and strategy selection as a function<br />

of environment structure. After taking environment into account,<br />

measures of fluid intelligence, not crystallized intelligence, explained<br />

age-related differences in information search and strategy selection.<br />

Thus, while older adults, like younger adults, may know which strategies<br />

are appropriate for a given environment, cognitive decline may<br />

force them to rely on simpler strategies, which may or may not lead<br />

to a loss in performance.<br />

13<br />

2:50–3:05 (82)<br />

Free Riding and Altruism in Vaccination Decisions. MENG LI,<br />

JEFFREY VIETRI, & GRETCHEN B. CHAPMAN, Rutgers University,<br />

& ALISON GALVANI & DAVID THOMAS, Yale University (read by<br />

Gretchen B. Chapman)—Vaccination protects the vaccinated individual<br />

and also benefits nonvaccinated others through herd immunity.<br />

Thus, nonvaccinated individuals can “free ride” on the vaccination of<br />

others. A Web-based study of 296 college students explored whether<br />

altruism (benefiting others) and free riding motivates vaccination decisions.<br />

Four “free riding” scenarios varied the nonvaccinated proportion<br />

(.90, .40, .10, and .00) of the population who could potentially<br />

transmit the disease to the participant. Participants’ mean rated likelihood<br />

to vaccinate varied greatly across these four scenarios (76%,<br />

<strong>65</strong>%, 52%, 26%; p � .0001). Four “altruism” scenarios held constant<br />

the infection risk to the participant but varied the proportion (.90, .40,<br />

.10, and .00) of the population that was unvaccinated and could therefore<br />

benefit from the participant’s vaccination. Here, the mean likelihood<br />

to vaccinate did not vary across scenarios (70%, 70%, 69%,<br />

68%; p = .68). Thus, participants were eager to free ride but reluctant<br />

to benefit others.<br />

3:10–3:25 (83)<br />

<strong>The</strong> Interaction of Food-Quantity Differences and Temporal Presentation<br />

on the Amount of Food People Consume. JESSICA M.<br />

CHOPLIN & LAURA MOTYKA, DePaul University—Previous research<br />

suggests that judgments of food quantity affect the amounts of<br />

food people eat. In two experiments, we investigated the interaction<br />

of food-quantity differences and temporal presentation on participants’<br />

judgments of food quantity and the amounts they ate. In Experiment<br />

1, participants viewed two quantities of food presented either<br />

simultaneously or sequentially and later recalled the quantities.<br />

In Experiment 2, participants viewed two serving bowls of pasta salad<br />

presented either simultaneously or sequentially and ate as much or as<br />

little as they wished from the smaller bowl. <strong>The</strong> amounts they ate were<br />

inversely related to biases in judgments of food quantity.<br />

Inhibitory Processes in Memory<br />

Beacon B, Friday Afternoon, 1:30–2:50<br />

Chaired by Lili Sahakyan<br />

University of North Carolina, Greensboro<br />

1:30–1:45 (84)<br />

Intentional Forgetting Is Easier After Two “Shots” Than One.<br />

LILI SAHAKYAN, PETER F. DELANEY, & EMILY R. WALDUM,<br />

University of North Carolina, Greensboro—Three experiments evaluated<br />

whether the magnitude of the list-method directed forgetting effect<br />

was strength dependent. Throughout these studies, items were<br />

strengthened via operations known to increase both item and context<br />

strength (spaced presentations), as well as manipulations that increment<br />

the item strength without affecting the context strength (processing<br />

time and processing depth). <strong>The</strong> assumptions regarding which<br />

operations enhance item and context strength were based on the “oneshot”<br />

hypothesis of context storage (Malmberg & Shiffrin, 2005). <strong>The</strong><br />

results revealed greater directed forgetting of strong items compared<br />

to weak items, but only when strength was varied via spaced presentations<br />

(Experiment 1). However, equivalent directed forgetting was<br />

observed for strong and weak items when strengthening operations increased<br />

item strength without affecting the context strength (Experiment<br />

2 and Experiment 3). <strong>The</strong>se results supported the predictions of<br />

the context hypothesis of directed forgetting (Sahakyan & Kelley,<br />

2002) and the “one-shot” hypothesis of context storage.<br />

1:50–2:05 (85)<br />

Inhibiting Intrusive Memories: Neural Mechanisms of Successful<br />

and Failed Control Over the Retrieval of Unwanted Memories.<br />

BENJAMIN J. LEVY & MICHAEL C. ANDERSON, University of<br />

Oregon (read by Michael C. Anderson)—In the aftermath of trauma,

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