S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society
S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society
S1 (FriAM 1-65) - The Psychonomic Society
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Friday Afternoon Papers 72–78<br />
Visual Search<br />
Regency DEFH, Friday Afternoon, 1:30–3:30<br />
Chaired by Jeremy M. Wolfe<br />
Brigham & Women’s Hospital and Harvard Medical School<br />
1:30–1:45 (72)<br />
Is Pink Special? <strong>The</strong> Evidence From Visual Search. JEREMY M.<br />
WOLFE, Brigham & Women’s Hospital and Harvard Medical School,<br />
ANINA N. RICH, Macquarie University, ANGELA BROWN &<br />
DELWIN LINDSEY, Ohio State University, & ESTER REIJNEN,<br />
University of Basel—Desaturated red is named “pink.” Other desaturated<br />
colors lack such color terms in English. <strong>The</strong>y are named for objects<br />
(lavender) or, more often, are named using compound words, relative<br />
to the saturated hue (pale green). Does pink have a special<br />
“categorical” status making it easier to find in visual search tasks?<br />
Observers searched for desaturated targets midway (in xyY space) between<br />
saturated and desaturated distractors. Search was faster and<br />
more efficient when saturated distractors and desaturated targets were<br />
in the red range than when they were any other hues. This result was<br />
obtained (1) with items as bright and saturated as possible, (2) when<br />
all items were isoluminant, or (3) when the separation in CIExy from<br />
target to distractors was equated across hues. But is pink really special?<br />
Maybe not. Search remained fast and efficient with a range of<br />
targets that were not categorically “pink” but might be characterized<br />
as skin tones.<br />
1:50–2:05 (73)<br />
Efficient Segregation of Moving and Stationary Objects in Visual<br />
Search. TODD S. HOROWITZ, Harvard Medical School, & ANINA N.<br />
RICH, Macquarie University—How efficiently can the visual system<br />
guide attention to moving or stationary objects? We constructed displays<br />
of two spatially interleaved search sets, composed of randomly<br />
moving and stationary disks. Each set consisted of 4, 8, or 12 gray<br />
disks marked with white lines. Observers were instructed to search for<br />
a vertical line target among distractors tilted ±30º, in either the moving<br />
or the stationary set (blocked). <strong>The</strong> target could be present or absent<br />
in each set independently. Segregation by motion was highly efficient.<br />
Target-present RTs for both conditions were unaffected by the<br />
number of items in the irrelevant set. However, the irrelevant set was<br />
not completely suppressed; a target in the irrelevant set slowed targetabsent<br />
RTs. Finally, search through randomly moving disks<br />
(21 msec/item) was just as efficient as search through stationary disks<br />
(23 msec/item). <strong>The</strong> visual system makes optimal use of motion information<br />
in visual search.<br />
2:10–2:25 (74)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Effect of Task-Irrelevant Objects on Learning the Spatial<br />
Context in Visual Search. ADRIAN VON MÜHLENEN, University<br />
of Warwick, & MARKUS CONCI, LMU Munich—During visual<br />
search, the spatial configuration of the stimuli can be learned when<br />
the same displays are presented repeatedly. This in turn can facilitate<br />
finding the target (contextual cuing effect). This study investigated<br />
how this effect is influenced by the presence of a task-irrelevant object.<br />
Experiment 1 used a standard T/L search task with “old” display<br />
configurations presented repeatedly among “new” displays. A green<br />
filled square appeared at unoccupied locations within the search display.<br />
<strong>The</strong> results showed that the typical contextual cuing effect was<br />
completely eliminated when a square was added to the display. In Experiment<br />
2 the contextual cuing effect was reinstated by simply including<br />
trials where the square could appear at an occupied location<br />
(i.e., below a stimulus). <strong>The</strong>se findings are discussed in terms of an<br />
account that depends on whether the square is perceived as part of the<br />
search display or as part of the display background.<br />
2:30–2:45 (75)<br />
Different Causes for Attention Interference in Focused and Divided<br />
Attention Tasks. ASHER COHEN & GERSHON BEN SHAKHAR,<br />
12<br />
Hebrew University—Distractors carrying task-relevant information<br />
often affect performance in both focused and divided attention (e.g.,<br />
visual search) tasks. In divided attention tasks it is generally assumed<br />
that task-relevant distractors “capture” attention. <strong>The</strong>re is less agreement<br />
on the cause of interference in focused attention tasks. Typically,<br />
the nature of task-relevant distractors is different in the two paradigms,<br />
rendering a direct comparison difficult. In the present study,<br />
we created a paradigm in which we can compare directly focused and<br />
divided attention tasks, and we use the same type of response-related<br />
distractors for both tasks. Several experiments show that these distractors<br />
interfere with performance in both tasks, but there is a fundamental<br />
difference between the two types of interference. Whereas<br />
response-related task-relevant distractors indeed capture attention in<br />
visual search, attention gradient rather than attention capture causes<br />
interference in focused attention tasks.<br />
2:50–3:05 (76)<br />
Experience-Guided Search: A <strong>The</strong>ory of Attentional Control.<br />
MICHAEL C. MOZER, University of Colorado, & DAVID BALDWIN,<br />
Indiana University—Visual search data are often explained by the<br />
Guided Search model (Wolfe, 1994, 2007), which assumes visualfield<br />
locations are prioritized by a saliency map whose activity is effectively<br />
a weighted sum of primitive-feature activities. <strong>The</strong> weights<br />
are determined based on the task to yield high saliency for locations<br />
containing targets. Many models based on this key idea have appeared,<br />
and to explain human data, all must be “dumbed down” by restricting<br />
the weights and/or corrupting the saliency map with noise.<br />
We present a formulation of Guided Search in which the weights are<br />
determined by statistical inference based on experience with the task<br />
over a series of trials. <strong>The</strong> weights can be cast as optimal under certain<br />
assumptions about the statistical structure of the environment. We<br />
show that this mathematically elegant and parsimonious formulation<br />
obtains accounts of human performance in a range of visual search<br />
tasks.<br />
3:10–3:25 (77)<br />
Not All Visual Memories Are Created Equal. CARRICK C.<br />
WILLIAMS, Mississippi State University—Two experiments investigated<br />
differences in the impact of number of presentations and viewing<br />
time on visual memory for search objects. In Experiment 1, participants<br />
searched for real-world targets (e.g., a green door) 2, 4, 6, or<br />
8 times in a field of real-world conjunction distractors, followed by a<br />
memory test for the presented objects. Visual memory improved<br />
across presentations, but the rate of improvement was unequal for different<br />
object types: Target memory improved more with each presentation<br />
than did distractors. In Experiment 2, eye movements were<br />
monitored while participants searched arrays either 2 or 4 times, followed<br />
by a memory test. <strong>The</strong> overall memory results replicated Experiment<br />
1. Importantly, regression analyses indicated that number of<br />
search presentations had a large effect on target memory with little additional<br />
impact of total viewing time, whereas the opposite was true<br />
of distractors. Both experiments demonstrate differences in processing<br />
of target and distractor memories.<br />
Judgment and Decision Making<br />
Beacon A, Friday Afternoon, 1:30–3:30<br />
Chaired by John S. Shaw, Lafayette College<br />
1:30–1:45 (78)<br />
Public Predictions of Future Performance. JOHN S. SHAW &<br />
SARAH A. FILONE, Lafayette College—Two experiments tested<br />
whether public predictions about one’s performance on an anagram<br />
task would have an impact on the number of anagrams actually solved.<br />
Before working on two sets of anagrams, 243 participants made predictions<br />
about how many anagrams they would solve in each set. Manipulated<br />
variables included Prediction Privacy (public vs. private)<br />
and Performance Privacy (public vs. private). Consistent with self-