manfred sellink philips galle - VU-DARE Home
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317 The vices are all brought together at the end<br />
of the series, following the virtues and other general<br />
notions, just before the four continents. Distrust in God:<br />
"le déteste la lumière, & me difHe de Dieu; ayant tant<br />
seulement tout/ mon espoir & appuy sur mon argent."<br />
318. "La sainctc Croix, les clefs, & le calice sont les<br />
vrays enseignes de/ l'Eglise de Dieu gouvernée par son<br />
Sainct Esprit."<br />
319. "Toute puissance, diet S. Paul, vient du ciel. Et<br />
pour estre telle, ie porte/ non en vain l'espee & la baguette<br />
droicte"<br />
320. Cp. Freedberg 1971 Galle probably felt free<br />
to represent Truth as a nude woman, as this was a well-<br />
established iconographie tradition. Compare, for instance,<br />
Galles own the Power of truth, engraved circa 1575 after<br />
Gerard Groenning {fig. 48).<br />
321. "je suis toute nue: nullement fardée, claire &<br />
resplendissante comme le/ Soleil, gouvernée ôc conduicte<br />
par le S. Esprit "The other nude personification is Grace<br />
of God.<br />
322. "Les deux visages & le cercle que ic porte,<br />
vous signifient que fay la/ cognoissance tant du passé que<br />
du futur."<br />
323. Cp. Corbett 1984, p. 132.<br />
324. In a letter of 21 April 1994, Anthony Wells-<br />
Cole (Temple Newsam House, Leeds) kindly informed<br />
me on the existence of several English houses where<br />
(around 1600) the Prosopographia was used as an icono<br />
graphie model for decoration; compare the forthcoming<br />
publication Wells-Cole 1997.<br />
325. On the drawing book, compare chapter 3.<br />
326. See Praz 1964, pp. 472-475.<br />
327. Compare Vcldman 1991, p. 285 (Cartari) and<br />
Veldman 1992, pp. 256-258 (Valeriano). It is interesting<br />
to note that Galle included the features ofValeriano in his<br />
1587-series of portraits; cp. appendix 2E,no. 138.<br />
328. Cp. Doutrepont 1937. On triumphal entries<br />
in this period general, see Snoep 1975 andjacquot 1955a.<br />
Notes Chapter 4<br />
216<br />
More details on triumphal entries and religious proces<br />
sions in Antwerp in the second half of the seventeenth<br />
century can also be found injacquot 1955b (Bruegel and<br />
Heemskerck in the period 1559-1566).<br />
329. Cp.Van de Branden 1883, p, 254.<br />
330. Doutrepont seems to have been the first to<br />
point out the possible relation between the festivities in<br />
1594 and the persomfications in Galle's Prosopographia;<br />
Doutrepont 1937, pp. 148-149. It is interesting to note<br />
that there exists a, from iconographic perspective, related<br />
group of circa 70 drawings of allegorical figures by<br />
Maarten deVos - now in the Stedelijk Prentenkabinet in<br />
Antwerp - that is most probably connected to Ills designs<br />
for Archduke Ernest s entry; cp. Depauw 1988, pp. 70-74,<br />
nos. 5-6. A more detailed analysis of the series and, above<br />
all, comparison with contemporary publications on this<br />
state entry will hopefully provide more Insight and visu<br />
al evidence into the genesis of the Prosopographia.<br />
331. These rumours started at the time of the marriage of<br />
Galle's son Theodoor with Moretus's eldest daughter<br />
Catharine and continued for some time to come. This<br />
prompted the two families to obtain certificates proving<br />
the contrary fromWulem van Bergen, bishop of Antwerp<br />
(Museum Plantin-Moretus, arch. 100, ff. 263-286). This<br />
was especially important as any suspicion of unorthodox<br />
religious convictions could seriously damage their repu<br />
tation as a publisher of religious works. Compare Lips<br />
1967, pp. 127-128 andVoet 1969-72, vol. l,p. 194.