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317 The vices are all brought together at the end<br />

of the series, following the virtues and other general<br />

notions, just before the four continents. Distrust in God:<br />

"le déteste la lumière, & me difHe de Dieu; ayant tant<br />

seulement tout/ mon espoir & appuy sur mon argent."<br />

318. "La sainctc Croix, les clefs, & le calice sont les<br />

vrays enseignes de/ l'Eglise de Dieu gouvernée par son<br />

Sainct Esprit."<br />

319. "Toute puissance, diet S. Paul, vient du ciel. Et<br />

pour estre telle, ie porte/ non en vain l'espee & la baguette<br />

droicte"<br />

320. Cp. Freedberg 1971 Galle probably felt free<br />

to represent Truth as a nude woman, as this was a well-<br />

established iconographie tradition. Compare, for instance,<br />

Galles own the Power of truth, engraved circa 1575 after<br />

Gerard Groenning {fig. 48).<br />

321. "je suis toute nue: nullement fardée, claire &<br />

resplendissante comme le/ Soleil, gouvernée ôc conduicte<br />

par le S. Esprit "The other nude personification is Grace<br />

of God.<br />

322. "Les deux visages & le cercle que ic porte,<br />

vous signifient que fay la/ cognoissance tant du passé que<br />

du futur."<br />

323. Cp. Corbett 1984, p. 132.<br />

324. In a letter of 21 April 1994, Anthony Wells-<br />

Cole (Temple Newsam House, Leeds) kindly informed<br />

me on the existence of several English houses where<br />

(around 1600) the Prosopographia was used as an icono­<br />

graphie model for decoration; compare the forthcoming<br />

publication Wells-Cole 1997.<br />

325. On the drawing book, compare chapter 3.<br />

326. See Praz 1964, pp. 472-475.<br />

327. Compare Vcldman 1991, p. 285 (Cartari) and<br />

Veldman 1992, pp. 256-258 (Valeriano). It is interesting<br />

to note that Galle included the features ofValeriano in his<br />

1587-series of portraits; cp. appendix 2E,no. 138.<br />

328. Cp. Doutrepont 1937. On triumphal entries<br />

in this period general, see Snoep 1975 andjacquot 1955a.<br />

Notes Chapter 4<br />

216<br />

More details on triumphal entries and religious proces­<br />

sions in Antwerp in the second half of the seventeenth<br />

century can also be found injacquot 1955b (Bruegel and<br />

Heemskerck in the period 1559-1566).<br />

329. Cp.Van de Branden 1883, p, 254.<br />

330. Doutrepont seems to have been the first to<br />

point out the possible relation between the festivities in<br />

1594 and the persomfications in Galle's Prosopographia;<br />

Doutrepont 1937, pp. 148-149. It is interesting to note<br />

that there exists a, from iconographic perspective, related<br />

group of circa 70 drawings of allegorical figures by<br />

Maarten deVos - now in the Stedelijk Prentenkabinet in<br />

Antwerp - that is most probably connected to Ills designs<br />

for Archduke Ernest s entry; cp. Depauw 1988, pp. 70-74,<br />

nos. 5-6. A more detailed analysis of the series and, above<br />

all, comparison with contemporary publications on this<br />

state entry will hopefully provide more Insight and visu­<br />

al evidence into the genesis of the Prosopographia.<br />

331. These rumours started at the time of the marriage of<br />

Galle's son Theodoor with Moretus's eldest daughter<br />

Catharine and continued for some time to come. This<br />

prompted the two families to obtain certificates proving<br />

the contrary fromWulem van Bergen, bishop of Antwerp<br />

(Museum Plantin-Moretus, arch. 100, ff. 263-286). This<br />

was especially important as any suspicion of unorthodox<br />

religious convictions could seriously damage their repu­<br />

tation as a publisher of religious works. Compare Lips<br />

1967, pp. 127-128 andVoet 1969-72, vol. l,p. 194.

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