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54. The use of a cache-tettre - or simply cache - in<br />

printmaking was especially common in eighteenth-cen­<br />

tury French printmaking; compare, for instance, Fuhrmg<br />

1985, p. 185, n. 64. Although there is no literature on this<br />

specific technical printing aid, the use of the cache-ktlre<br />

might go back as far as the first half of the sixteenth cen­<br />

tury. I thank Peter Fuhring for providing me with infor­<br />

mation on the subject.<br />

55. More information on the value of printing<br />

presses in Antwerp in the sixteenth century can be found<br />

inVoet 1969-72, vol. 2, pp. 132-142. In June 1571 Philips<br />

Galle is mentioned for the first time in the joumaux of<br />

the Plantin Press. No records have been found so far relat­<br />

ing to the question whether Plantin did indeed print the<br />

letterpress inscriptions of the Virorum doctorum effigies and<br />

the Pontificutn maximorum effigies. There are, however, sev­<br />

eral unspecified transactions between the two publishers<br />

in the years 1571-72 that could account for this. It is inter­<br />

esting to note that shortly after GaUe's 1572-edition,<br />

Christophe Plantin himself published his first album of<br />

portraits of scholars. In 1574 the Plantin Press issued tones<br />

vetemm aliquot, ac recentiutn medicorum,phihsophorumque elo-<br />

giolis mis editae, a collection of portraits of philosophers<br />

and physicians, assembled and eulogized by the Hungarian<br />

humanist Janos Zsamboky s (also known as Johannes<br />

Sambucus). Several of the etched portraits by Pieter van<br />

der Borcht were copied after engravings from Galle's<br />

1567- and 1572-editions. Cp„ Zsamboky 1574, Zsamboky<br />

1901 and Cockx-Indestege 1989, p. 130, no. 62. On his<br />

turn Galle had already included Zsamboky's portrait in<br />

his Virorum doctorum effigies of 1572; see appendix 2E,<br />

no, 146.<br />

56. Compare, for example,Voet 1969-72, vol. 2,<br />

p. 205.<br />

57. Judging by the existing copies of the Virorum<br />

doctorum effigies (1372) Galle must have printed the 1572a-<br />

and 1572b~versions in roughly equal numbers. Both ver­<br />

sions are found bound together with later editions; cp.<br />

appendix 2B„<br />

58. The full text - here sirmmarized briefly - is<br />

transcribed in appendix 2B.<br />

59. On the portrait of Arias Montano see appen­<br />

dix 2E, no. 7. On Junius compare note 33.<br />

Notes Chapter 2<br />

173<br />

60. "...„ nunc, quod possum, fruar lis imaginibus,<br />

quibus perfectus pictor et chalcographus, Philippus<br />

Gallaeus vester, vos paene spiranteis expressit, et in librum<br />

comecit. in quo non possum non facile desiderare Oberti<br />

Gifanii effigiem, hominis valde docti, et cui<br />

Lueretianorurn librorum studiosi plurimum debent.";<br />

Sacre 1988-89, p. 118. On Van Giffen also see Heesakkers<br />

1986.<br />

61. Van Giffen s unfavourable reputation origi­<br />

nates from accusations of the misuse of manuscripts in the<br />

death-estate of the youngDutch humanist Lucas Fruterus,<br />

who died in 1566. Especially Janus Dousa proved to be a<br />

fierce, public opponent of Hubert van Giffen. Other<br />

friends and acquaintances of Galle, like Hadrianus Junius<br />

and Victor Ghyselinck, sided with Dousa from the very<br />

beginning. Cp. Heesakkers 1976, pp. 116-122 and<br />

Heesakkers 1993, pp. 21-28.<br />

62. This interpretation of the title page is largely<br />

based on Hansel 1991, pp. 92-93.<br />

63. The fact that all these outspoken reformers are<br />

lacking is, in my opinion, due to a deliberate choice by<br />

Galle; also see below. However, one also has to keep in<br />

mind that - even when religious censorship was sloppy -<br />

the secular, Spanish authorities could (and would) cer­<br />

tainly have taken measures against a publication overtly<br />

praising such reformers. Politics and religion were never<br />

separated during the so-called Dutch Revolt; compare<br />

Groenveld 1986.<br />

64. Cp.Voet's chapter on the Plantin house as a<br />

humanist centre; Voet 1969-72, vol. 1, pp. 362-395. On<br />

the portrait of Christophe Plantin see appendix 2E, no.<br />

110.<br />

65. Compare Sylvaine Hansel who in her analy­<br />

sis of the Virorum doctomm effigies in vain searches for a<br />

more complex structure; Hansel 1991, pp. 92-94.<br />

66. Cp, Hansel 1991, p. 97. Unaware of the exis­<br />

tence of Galle's earlier 1567-edition, Hansel seems to<br />

somewhat overestimate Arias Montana's contribution to<br />

the 1572-ediuon; ibid. pp. 95-96.There can, however, be<br />

no doubt that Philips Galle must have made good use of<br />

suggestions by the Spanish humanist who, like Plantin and<br />

Ortels, had contacts with scholars all over Europe.

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