manfred sellink philips galle - VU-DARE Home
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54. The use of a cache-tettre - or simply cache - in<br />
printmaking was especially common in eighteenth-cen<br />
tury French printmaking; compare, for instance, Fuhrmg<br />
1985, p. 185, n. 64. Although there is no literature on this<br />
specific technical printing aid, the use of the cache-ktlre<br />
might go back as far as the first half of the sixteenth cen<br />
tury. I thank Peter Fuhring for providing me with infor<br />
mation on the subject.<br />
55. More information on the value of printing<br />
presses in Antwerp in the sixteenth century can be found<br />
inVoet 1969-72, vol. 2, pp. 132-142. In June 1571 Philips<br />
Galle is mentioned for the first time in the joumaux of<br />
the Plantin Press. No records have been found so far relat<br />
ing to the question whether Plantin did indeed print the<br />
letterpress inscriptions of the Virorum doctorum effigies and<br />
the Pontificutn maximorum effigies. There are, however, sev<br />
eral unspecified transactions between the two publishers<br />
in the years 1571-72 that could account for this. It is inter<br />
esting to note that shortly after GaUe's 1572-edition,<br />
Christophe Plantin himself published his first album of<br />
portraits of scholars. In 1574 the Plantin Press issued tones<br />
vetemm aliquot, ac recentiutn medicorum,phihsophorumque elo-<br />
giolis mis editae, a collection of portraits of philosophers<br />
and physicians, assembled and eulogized by the Hungarian<br />
humanist Janos Zsamboky s (also known as Johannes<br />
Sambucus). Several of the etched portraits by Pieter van<br />
der Borcht were copied after engravings from Galle's<br />
1567- and 1572-editions. Cp„ Zsamboky 1574, Zsamboky<br />
1901 and Cockx-Indestege 1989, p. 130, no. 62. On his<br />
turn Galle had already included Zsamboky's portrait in<br />
his Virorum doctorum effigies of 1572; see appendix 2E,<br />
no, 146.<br />
56. Compare, for example,Voet 1969-72, vol. 2,<br />
p. 205.<br />
57. Judging by the existing copies of the Virorum<br />
doctorum effigies (1372) Galle must have printed the 1572a-<br />
and 1572b~versions in roughly equal numbers. Both ver<br />
sions are found bound together with later editions; cp.<br />
appendix 2B„<br />
58. The full text - here sirmmarized briefly - is<br />
transcribed in appendix 2B.<br />
59. On the portrait of Arias Montano see appen<br />
dix 2E, no. 7. On Junius compare note 33.<br />
Notes Chapter 2<br />
173<br />
60. "...„ nunc, quod possum, fruar lis imaginibus,<br />
quibus perfectus pictor et chalcographus, Philippus<br />
Gallaeus vester, vos paene spiranteis expressit, et in librum<br />
comecit. in quo non possum non facile desiderare Oberti<br />
Gifanii effigiem, hominis valde docti, et cui<br />
Lueretianorurn librorum studiosi plurimum debent.";<br />
Sacre 1988-89, p. 118. On Van Giffen also see Heesakkers<br />
1986.<br />
61. Van Giffen s unfavourable reputation origi<br />
nates from accusations of the misuse of manuscripts in the<br />
death-estate of the youngDutch humanist Lucas Fruterus,<br />
who died in 1566. Especially Janus Dousa proved to be a<br />
fierce, public opponent of Hubert van Giffen. Other<br />
friends and acquaintances of Galle, like Hadrianus Junius<br />
and Victor Ghyselinck, sided with Dousa from the very<br />
beginning. Cp. Heesakkers 1976, pp. 116-122 and<br />
Heesakkers 1993, pp. 21-28.<br />
62. This interpretation of the title page is largely<br />
based on Hansel 1991, pp. 92-93.<br />
63. The fact that all these outspoken reformers are<br />
lacking is, in my opinion, due to a deliberate choice by<br />
Galle; also see below. However, one also has to keep in<br />
mind that - even when religious censorship was sloppy -<br />
the secular, Spanish authorities could (and would) cer<br />
tainly have taken measures against a publication overtly<br />
praising such reformers. Politics and religion were never<br />
separated during the so-called Dutch Revolt; compare<br />
Groenveld 1986.<br />
64. Cp.Voet's chapter on the Plantin house as a<br />
humanist centre; Voet 1969-72, vol. 1, pp. 362-395. On<br />
the portrait of Christophe Plantin see appendix 2E, no.<br />
110.<br />
65. Compare Sylvaine Hansel who in her analy<br />
sis of the Virorum doctomm effigies in vain searches for a<br />
more complex structure; Hansel 1991, pp. 92-94.<br />
66. Cp, Hansel 1991, p. 97. Unaware of the exis<br />
tence of Galle's earlier 1567-edition, Hansel seems to<br />
somewhat overestimate Arias Montana's contribution to<br />
the 1572-ediuon; ibid. pp. 95-96.There can, however, be<br />
no doubt that Philips Galle must have made good use of<br />
suggestions by the Spanish humanist who, like Plantin and<br />
Ortels, had contacts with scholars all over Europe.