pa1778data.pdf
pa1778data.pdf
pa1778data.pdf
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U.S. STEEL DUQUESKE WORKS<br />
HAER NO. PA-115<br />
(Page 21)<br />
A disproportionately low number of new recruits came from<br />
the U.S. Steel Corporation mills in Monongahela Valley, almost<br />
none from the Duquesne Works. The National Committee's inability<br />
to effectively organize steelworkers in the Monongahela Valley<br />
stemmed from two sources. First, a high level of ethnic discord<br />
between the highly skilled native born white workforce and their<br />
mostly unskilled foreign born counterparts fragmented the effort.<br />
Only two percent of the native born workforce participated in the<br />
movement since most did not want to be associated with a strike<br />
viewed as the work of unskilled immigrant labor. Secondly, an<br />
interlocking relationship between local political leaders and<br />
steel company managers severely impaired the ability of union<br />
organizers to conduct operations in the surrounding mill towns.<br />
During the first months of the organizational drive in the winter<br />
of 1918-19, local leaders were able to prevent the union men from<br />
holding meetings by denying their requests for access to local<br />
buildings. Although the National Committee was able to overcome<br />
this obstacle by holding outdoor rallies in the spring and<br />
summer, their efforts led to a repressive backlash against<br />
strikers in the valley. The Pennsylvania Constabulary, at the<br />
request of the Allegheny County Sheriff whose brother was the<br />
general manager of U. S. steel's Farrell subsidiary of the<br />
American Sheet and Tin Company, provided mounted police to patrol<br />
the mill towns throughout the duration of the strike. They<br />
clubbed men and women off the streets and dragged strikers from<br />
their homes, jailing them on flimsy charges. Although the strike<br />
was never completely broken in the region, U. S. Steel was able<br />
to operate its Monongahela Valley mills at sixty percent capacity<br />
throughout the dispute. Because the valley was the major center<br />
of the Corporation's nationwide operations, its ability to keep<br />
the mills open doomed the strike, which was called off in January<br />
of 1920.<br />
Nowhere, finally, was the interlocking relationship between<br />
local political leaders and steel company managers more<br />
detrimental to trade union activities than in Duquesne.<br />
Duquesne's mayor, James Crawford, was closely connected to<br />
management circles through his brother, Edwin, who owned the<br />
nearby McKeesport Tin Plate Company. During the organizing phase<br />
of the National Committee's effort, Crawford prevented union men<br />
from establishing themselves in the city by invoking a local<br />
ordinance requiring organizations to obtain a permit from the<br />
mayor's office before holding public meetings. No permits were<br />
ever granted to National Committee officials. Other ordinances<br />
were also passed to make it illegal for able men at least<br />
eighteen years of age to be unemployed. Later, during the first<br />
few days of the strike, the mayor, who was also president of the<br />
First National Bank of Duquesne, called together the city's<br />
property owners and merchants and instructed them to accept only<br />
cash payments for food and rent from all employees of the