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U.S. STEEL DUQUESNE WORKS<br />

HAER No. PA-115<br />

(Page 20)<br />

within the Duquesne Works between 1918 and 1945. Each was part<br />

of a larger effort to organize the steel industry nationwide and<br />

each, recognizing the realities of the job structures created by<br />

the technology of steel production, abandoned the craft<br />

exclusiveness of earlier union drives for a strategy based on<br />

some variant of industrial unionism. As with previous efforts,<br />

trade unionists sought to gain some measure of control over the<br />

technology in terms of the time spent operating it and the<br />

benefits derived from its output. Unlike previous efforts,<br />

however, their success or failure depended less on the<br />

increasingly outmoded occupational categories that formed the<br />

basis of the Amalgamated Association's activity than on social<br />

and political factors that bore little direct relationship to<br />

technological development.<br />

The first attempt at forming a union was made by the<br />

American Federation of Labor after America entered World War I.<br />

It culminated in the great steel strike of 1919. The impetus for<br />

organizing resulted from the favorable political climate created<br />

by an agreement between the A. F. of L. and the administration of<br />

President Woodrow Wilson. In return for the Federation's support<br />

of the national war effort, the administration, through the<br />

auspices of its National War Labor Board (NWLB), asserted the<br />

right of workers to organize into trade unions without any<br />

interference by employers. Shortly thereafter, in August of<br />

1918, the Federation created the National Committee for<br />

Organizing the Iron and Steel Workers. The National Committee<br />

consisted of representatives from twenty-four member unions of<br />

the A. F. of L., each claiming some jurisdiction over workers in<br />

the steel industry. In order to prevent a fragmented approach to<br />

its organizational efforts, the National Committee agreed to<br />

conduct a unified effort and to centralize the newly created<br />

local chapters of the member unions at each steel center into<br />

informal central bodies known as Iron and Steel Workers Councils.<br />

The largest number of steelworkers — i.e. those having no skill<br />

— were given over to the Amalgamated Association which claimed<br />

about one-half of the total number of steelworkers.<br />

Despite declarations of unity and pledges of financial<br />

support by the member unions, the effort was hampered by<br />

jurisdictional disputes and meager operating expenses.<br />

Nevertheless, by skillfully appealing to immigrant workers around<br />

the concept of the eight-hour workday and by associating national<br />

war aims (making the world safe for democracy), with trade union<br />

goals (the extension of industrial democracy in America), the<br />

National Committee was able to enroll 100,000 steelworkers<br />

nationwide by late in the spring of 1919. This number reached an<br />

estimated 300,000 by September 22nd when the NWLB was dissolved<br />

and the recalcitrance of employers led the National Committee to<br />

call a nationwide strike for union recognition.

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