YEARBOOK OF THE ALAMIRE FOUNDATION
YEARBOOK OF THE ALAMIRE FOUNDATION
YEARBOOK OF THE ALAMIRE FOUNDATION
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126 DONNA G. CARDAMONE JACKSON<br />
without permission for promotional reasons, thereby controlling the expectations of<br />
readers. 5<br />
But, as Roger Chartier has argued, “every textual or typographic arrangement<br />
that aims to create control and constraint always secretes tactics that tame or subvert<br />
it”. 6 Readers with a previously gained knowledge of anthologies would surely have<br />
noticed that featuring the name of a single composer in the title was not normal practice,<br />
and they might have wondered why Dorico did not boast about his success in<br />
bringing new music to light. 7 By deliberately not representing himself as a collector,<br />
Dorico gave sharp readers reason to believe that another person had obtained the villanelle.<br />
Moreover, by broadcasting Lasso’s name and at the same time reducing him<br />
and the others to anonyms, he publicly acknowledged sharing authorial power with<br />
a composer – now liable to be construed as both collector and provider of new music.<br />
No documentary evidence exists to prove or disprove this reading; nonetheless, there<br />
are compelling grounds for preferring it to the received view, which rests solely on<br />
the fact that Lasso was not living in Rome when the anthology was published. The<br />
new reading I will propose raises the possibility that Dorico negotiated an ad hoc<br />
arrangement with Lasso before his departure in spring 1554, and it accounts for the<br />
services that Lasso was uniquely qualified to offer.<br />
Collecting enough villanelle to fill two anthologies was an ambitious project,<br />
most likely set in motion when Dorico realized that a large colony of Neapolitans had<br />
formed in Rome following popular uprisings against Viceroy Toledo in 1547. This<br />
colony not only provided an ideal target market, but also a means of accessing repertory<br />
transmitted from Naples or composed by such newcomers as the Neapolitan<br />
nobleman Luigi Dentice, exiled in 1547 (accompanied by his eldest son Fabrizio),<br />
and Lasso, who came to Rome from Naples in December 1551. 8 The core repertory<br />
they presumably put into circulation was bound to expand, eventually attaining the<br />
level that Dorico needed to seize control of the market. But patterns in his production<br />
levels reveal that he was attending to other projects while villanelle were spreading<br />
5 A. EINSTEIN, The Italian Madrigal, Princeton, 1949, p. 497; W. BOETTICHER, Orlando di Lasso<br />
und seine Zeit, Kassel, 1958, p. 42.<br />
6 R. CHARTIER, Texts, Printings, Readings, in L. HUNT ed., The New Cultural History, Berkeley, 1989,<br />
p. 173.<br />
7 In the early history of publishing Neapolitan dialect songs, only one other anthology includes the name<br />
of a composer on the title page: Elletione de canzone alla napoletana a tre voci di Rinaldo Burno con<br />
altre scielte da diversi musici, delli quali la tavola dimostra per ordi[ne] nel veri nomi de ssi auttori,<br />
[Padua, Fabriano and Bidoni], 1546. But in his dedicatory letter the editore, Dionisio De Palii, takes<br />
credit for bringing the works of Burno and ‘equally talented musicians’ to light.<br />
8 It is not known how long the Dentices remained in Rome, but they were probably there in 1553 when<br />
the second edition of Luigi’s treatise, Duo dialoghi della musica, was published by Dorico’s associate,<br />
Vincenzo Lucrino.