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YEARBOOK OF THE ALAMIRE FOUNDATION

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126 DONNA G. CARDAMONE JACKSON<br />

without permission for promotional reasons, thereby controlling the expectations of<br />

readers. 5<br />

But, as Roger Chartier has argued, “every textual or typographic arrangement<br />

that aims to create control and constraint always secretes tactics that tame or subvert<br />

it”. 6 Readers with a previously gained knowledge of anthologies would surely have<br />

noticed that featuring the name of a single composer in the title was not normal practice,<br />

and they might have wondered why Dorico did not boast about his success in<br />

bringing new music to light. 7 By deliberately not representing himself as a collector,<br />

Dorico gave sharp readers reason to believe that another person had obtained the villanelle.<br />

Moreover, by broadcasting Lasso’s name and at the same time reducing him<br />

and the others to anonyms, he publicly acknowledged sharing authorial power with<br />

a composer – now liable to be construed as both collector and provider of new music.<br />

No documentary evidence exists to prove or disprove this reading; nonetheless, there<br />

are compelling grounds for preferring it to the received view, which rests solely on<br />

the fact that Lasso was not living in Rome when the anthology was published. The<br />

new reading I will propose raises the possibility that Dorico negotiated an ad hoc<br />

arrangement with Lasso before his departure in spring 1554, and it accounts for the<br />

services that Lasso was uniquely qualified to offer.<br />

Collecting enough villanelle to fill two anthologies was an ambitious project,<br />

most likely set in motion when Dorico realized that a large colony of Neapolitans had<br />

formed in Rome following popular uprisings against Viceroy Toledo in 1547. This<br />

colony not only provided an ideal target market, but also a means of accessing repertory<br />

transmitted from Naples or composed by such newcomers as the Neapolitan<br />

nobleman Luigi Dentice, exiled in 1547 (accompanied by his eldest son Fabrizio),<br />

and Lasso, who came to Rome from Naples in December 1551. 8 The core repertory<br />

they presumably put into circulation was bound to expand, eventually attaining the<br />

level that Dorico needed to seize control of the market. But patterns in his production<br />

levels reveal that he was attending to other projects while villanelle were spreading<br />

5 A. EINSTEIN, The Italian Madrigal, Princeton, 1949, p. 497; W. BOETTICHER, Orlando di Lasso<br />

und seine Zeit, Kassel, 1958, p. 42.<br />

6 R. CHARTIER, Texts, Printings, Readings, in L. HUNT ed., The New Cultural History, Berkeley, 1989,<br />

p. 173.<br />

7 In the early history of publishing Neapolitan dialect songs, only one other anthology includes the name<br />

of a composer on the title page: Elletione de canzone alla napoletana a tre voci di Rinaldo Burno con<br />

altre scielte da diversi musici, delli quali la tavola dimostra per ordi[ne] nel veri nomi de ssi auttori,<br />

[Padua, Fabriano and Bidoni], 1546. But in his dedicatory letter the editore, Dionisio De Palii, takes<br />

credit for bringing the works of Burno and ‘equally talented musicians’ to light.<br />

8 It is not known how long the Dentices remained in Rome, but they were probably there in 1553 when<br />

the second edition of Luigi’s treatise, Duo dialoghi della musica, was published by Dorico’s associate,<br />

Vincenzo Lucrino.

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