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Charisma Reconsidered

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10<br />

which there is authority without rules. But these are all negative characterizations.<br />

Is this all that the concept of charisma, in the end, can amount to? It seems so, for<br />

when we stray from the dramatic paradigm cases of individual leadership to those<br />

cases, such as ‘office charisma’, that involve an institution having a spiritual or<br />

sacralized aspect, the standard formulae that Weber himself uses to make sense of<br />

charisma, such as ‘success’ and ‘extraordinariness’, are rather inadequate. We can<br />

sense that there is some point to characterizing the phenomena in terms of<br />

charisma, but this grasp of the sacralized character of an activity matches<br />

awkwardly with the model of the individual charismatic leader.<br />

Consider a specific case that is a problem for Weber: the English jury<br />

system. The exercise of judicial authority in all legal orders is a highly charged and<br />

problematic moment. Very often it is authority over life and death itself. But in<br />

the jury system, ultimate power to produce justice is granted to a quite ordinary<br />

group of citizens seated in a jurors’ box. Nothing about these citizens is<br />

extraordinary, nor are they in any way ‘expert’. This is indeed a feature of their<br />

qualifications as jurors. Nevertheless their judgments are treated with extraordinary<br />

deference. If we were to say that the jury possesses charisma, a kind of<br />

specialized office charisma, this would solve a problem, that of the mysterious<br />

transformation of ordinary people into the privileged expression of authority over<br />

questions of justice – a transformation no less mysterious than the Eucharist itself.<br />

But Weber cannot and does not say this, and his comments on the jury system<br />

reflect the fact that it is a problem for his account. On the one hand, it is close to<br />

another ideal-type, the case of Kadi-justice, or irrational adjudication, which is<br />

itself the antithesis of rule-bound adjudication of either the modern rational-legal<br />

or the traditional type. Indeed, Weber uses exactly the same formula – ‘it is<br />

written, but I say unto you . . .’ – as a means of epitomizing both the ideal-type of<br />

Kadi-justice and charismatic leadership. However, the present charisma of the jury<br />

does not seem to derive from any past individual manifestation of charisma. It is<br />

not a residue of past charisma, preserved through a process of routinization, as<br />

past charisma is in the case of kingship, or the Eucharist itself, nor does the jury<br />

exercise divine powers, as with the Kadi. Weber in fact suggests that the jury as an<br />

institution derives from folk justice, which does not explain its sacralized ‘charismatic’<br />

features.<br />

This leads one to suspect the idea that individual charisma is fundamental,<br />

meaning that all other charisma is the product of routinization. It cannot possibly<br />

account for all of the residual cases and phenomena that Weber, as a consequence<br />

of the structure of his tripartite scheme of categories of authority, is forced to<br />

accommodate. And if we consider cases other than those Weber discussed, the<br />

problem is more severe. He is conspicuously silent about such phenomena as<br />

the divinization of the Roman Emperors, a clear case of sacralization of power<br />

rather than the routinization of charisma. Nevertheless, there does seem to be an<br />

approach, loosely based on Weber, that allows for a solution to this problem. The<br />

sacralization of power account that works in cases like the jury – the idea that<br />

JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 3(1)

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