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i STEAM COAL - Clpdigital.org

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30 THE <strong>COAL</strong> TRADE BULLETIN.<br />

PRESIDENT ELIOT, OF HARVARD, ON EM­ and the same hours of daily labor over wide<br />

PLOYERS' ASSOCIATIONS AND LABOR areas of our vast country. It is clear that an<br />

UNIONS.<br />

almost indispensable mode of conducting one industry<br />

may be entirely inapplicable in another in­<br />

By C. W. Eliut. L. L. D., President Harvard University.<br />

dustry, and that such diversities<br />

EXTEND TO RATES OF WAGES,<br />

The most striking fact in the development of the<br />

to the number of hours which count as a day's<br />

industrial combat during the last two years is the<br />

work, and to the distribution of the hours of<br />

extensive and firm <strong>org</strong>anization of employers.<br />

labor through the twenty-four liours of the day.<br />

They were compelled to form compact and trust­<br />

Some industries, like a blast furnace, for instance,<br />

worthy associations by their experience of the<br />

must be carried on incessantly, day and night.<br />

force which could be exerted by the large <strong>org</strong>aniza­<br />

and month after month; others, like a cotton-mill,<br />

in ordinary times run steadily a definite number<br />

tions of labor against any single employer. They<br />

of hours out of each twenty-four, and have no<br />

found that their only safety was in the <strong>org</strong>anization<br />

of trustworthy associations of employers in<br />

difficulty in stopping over night or over Sunday;<br />

others, like a bakery, are necessarily spasmodic<br />

each of the principal trades or occupations, and<br />

in their operation, with hours of unseasonable activity,<br />

and regular daily periods of comparative<br />

inaction. Some trades are active at certain seasons<br />

of the year and dull at others. In some<br />

trades the effort of the worker is steady and<br />

monotonous; in others it is intermittent and<br />

various. In some trades all the labor is heavy<br />

and hard; in others it is all light and easy. I<br />

expect therefore to see the employers' associations<br />

resisting, and resisting successfully, uniform legislation<br />

affecting either wages or hours of labor.<br />

The employers having <strong>org</strong>anized strong associations,<br />

it has become highly important to find<br />

some tests which may be applied to the policies<br />

of these strong and numerous associations to distinguish<br />

the good and safe policies from the evil<br />

and dangerous ones. The efforts of the emp'.overs'<br />

associations are beeomirg very strenuous,<br />

pnd are encountering equally strenuous efforts on<br />

the part of <strong>org</strong>anizations of labor; so that it is<br />

all-important that the emp'oyers' policies—and,<br />

PRESIDENT KI.10T, OP HARVARD.<br />

indeed, the unions' policies also—in all their diversity<br />

should deserve public coTfidence and approval.<br />

Some of the fundamental policies of the<br />

labor unions, such as the closed shop.<br />

also of comprehensive associations which represent<br />

the employers in a great variety of industries.<br />

These trade associations are, of course, various,<br />

because the interests and needs of the different<br />

trades and manufactures are various. A single<br />

uniform policy is not to be expected in all employers'<br />

associations except on the main lines of<br />

action. The effort after a uniform policy in regard<br />

to wages and hours, which characterizes the<br />

federated trade-unions, is. in my view, a dangerous<br />

one, whether for the trade unions or for the employers'<br />

associations. The diversities in the industries<br />

and occupations of the country are so<br />

great, and the conditions under which the same<br />

industry is prosecuted in different places differ<br />

so widely, that the public may reasonably distrust<br />

efforts at universal legislation or universal policies—that<br />

is, legislation or policies which are<br />

supposed to cover a great variety of trades, or<br />

are intended to produce the same rates of wages<br />

THE LIMITATION OF OUTPUT,<br />

and the effort after a monopoly of the labor in<br />

each trade or occupation, certainly do not now<br />

command public approval. What tests or criteria<br />

can we apply to the policies of the new employers'<br />

associations to discriminate the selfish<br />

from the unselfish policies, the policies which will<br />

prove acceptable to the community at large from<br />

those which will prove unacceptable?<br />

In the first place, whenever an association of<br />

employers shows that its effort is, after all, directed<br />

to the attainment of a monopoly, like the<br />

habitual effort of every labor union, it will certainly<br />

fail to command public confidence. Mortopo<br />

lies are no more welcome to the free people of the<br />

United States to-day than they were to our English<br />

ancestors four hundred years ago. The contest<br />

against monopolies granted by the sovereign

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