Ethiopia Full Report - Oak Foundation

Resilience in Children Exposed to
Sexual Abuse and Sexual Exploitation in Merkato,
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
A Research Report Submitted to
The Oak Foundation
by
Gebre Yntiso, PhD, Ayalew Gebre, PhD, Rahel Shiferaw, Hiwot Workineh
Addis Ababa
30 December 2009
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The Bamboo project is a multi-country, multi-phase research project, commissioned and supported
by Oak Foundation, to stimulate new thinking and new approaches in the field of work with
children who are at risk of or have experienced sexual abuse and/or exploitation. It is hoped that it
will generate innovative practice and policy that responds not only to the needs of the children but
builds on their own experience and on the knowledge and experience of their families and
communities.
This report details the process and initial findings from the first phase of the research,
conducted from February to September 2009 in Addis Abeba, Ethiopia. The report is being made
available on Oak's website, to share the initial findings and to stimulate discussion between
researchers and practitioners. Using the material generated by this research, additional
complementary reports will be developed, including a summary of the findings and reflections on
practice and policy implications. As research is conducted in new sites, there will be reports
comparing the respective findings.
The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and not necessarily those of Oak
Foundation or the members of the International Steering Committee who offer strategic guidance
to the overall project.
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Acknowledgements
A number of organizations and individuals deserve recognition for their contributions to the
present study. First and foremost, acknowledgements are due to the 68 children and young people
who shared their personal life experiences, sometimes very sensitive and private matters. All other
informants (parents, community representatives, and NGO representatives) also deserve
appreciation and thanks for providing valuable information. CHAD-ET played a critical role in
introducing the research team to the network of NGOs operating in Merkato area, and to its own
project beneficiaries. Although the research was eventually carried out in three kebeles (grassroots
level administrative tiers), all others that we contacted initially provided the support that we
needed. Our special thanks are due to CHAD-ET and the kebele administrations for facilitating
entry into the communities. Our field assistants, Zemedkun Ayele and Hailu Lema, were highly
motivated, concerned and resourceful young men. The research team is indebted to Fasil Wolde-
Mariam (Oak Foundation Representative in East Africa) for being supportive and enabling the
researchers to use his long-established networks with local organizations to facilitate the study.
Last but not least, the research team would like to express its indebtedness to members of the
International Steering Committee (namely, Prof. Robert Gilligan, Dr. Elisabeth Protacio-De
Castro, Stefan Vanistendael, and Shirley Fozzard) and Jane Warburton of the Oak Foundation for
their professional input and advice from the inception to the completion of the resilience research
project in Ethiopia.
Preface
This report is a result of field research carried out in Merkato area, which is located in the heart of
Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia. The study was undertaken in accordance with an agreement
concluded between the Oak Foundation and Dr. Gebre Yntiso Deko, representing a team of four
Ethiopian researchers. The context for the research exercise was the Oak Foundation's
international learning initiative to understand resilience in children exposed to sexual abuse and
sexual exploitation. The foundation intends to develop a learning initiative to determine what
could be learnt from the experiences of children, families, communities, as well as program
practice regarding the prevention of and recovery from child sexual abuse and exploitation. With
this in mind, the present study was set to (1) explore the common risk factors that expose children
to sexual abuse and sexual exploitation, and the vulnerability factors that increase their
susceptibility to these ordeals; (2) investigate the protective factors and individual competencies
that enable children not only to overcome risks of sexual abuse and exploitation but also undergo
processes of successful transformation in their lives; and (3) shed light on the relevance of the
insights on child resilience to policy and program practice aimed at prevention of and recovery
from child sexual abuse and exploitation.
A total of 68 children and young people between 10 and 24, and 30 adults representing parents,
communities, and NGOs participated in the study. The interview method was employed as the
main data collection tool. The 68 children and young people were divided into three major
categories: vulnerable but non-abused/exploited, currently/recently abused/exploited, and
recovered from exploitative situations. In recognition of age-related differences in the knowledge
and experiences of the 68 participants, each category was further divided into three age groups:
10-13, 14-17, and 18-24. The study identified (1) various risk and vulnerability factors that
subjected some children and young people to sexual abuse/exploitation, (2) protective factors that
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enabled many to overcome such risks, and (3) strategies that former commercial sex workers
employed to recover from exploitative situations. The report is expected to contribute to our
knowledge of child resilience to sexual abuse/exploitation in the context of Ethiopia, serve as a
database for comparative study, and/or help as an entry point for program intervention or further
research within Ethiopia and beyond.
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CONTENTS
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................ 2
Preface ............................................................................................................ 3
Acronyms ....................................................................................................... 7
Executive Summary ...................................................................................... 8
1. Background .............................................................................................. 11
1.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 11
1.2 The study area ........................................................................................................................ 11
1.3 Research design and methods ................................................................................................ 15
1.3.1 Selection of research site ................................................................................................ 15
1.3.2 Selection of informants ................................................................................................... 15
1.3.3 Data collection ................................................................................................................ 16
1.3.4 Data analysis and structuring .......................................................................................... 17
1.3.5 Challenges encountered and measures taken .................................................................. 17
1.3.6 Ethical issues ................................................................................................................... 19
1.4 Literature review .................................................................................................................... 19
1.4.1 Definitions ....................................................................................................................... 20
1.4.2 Child resilience to sexual abuse/exploitation .................................................................. 20
1.4.3 Core concepts in resilience research ............................................................................... 22
1.4.4 Child resilience research in Ethiopia .............................................................................. 23
1.5 Policy and legal framework: Ethiopia.................................................................................... 24
2. Common Risk Factors in Merkato ........................................................ 25
2.1 Prevalence of commercial sex work ...................................................................................... 26
2.2 Crime and delinquency .......................................................................................................... 27
2.3 Substance and alcohol abuse .................................................................................................. 28
2.4 Video houses .......................................................................................................................... 28
2.5 Street business ........................................................................................................................ 29
2.5.1 Street vending/peddling .................................................................................................. 29
2.5.2 Bed renting ...................................................................................................................... 29
2.6 Congestion/over-crowdedness ............................................................................................... 30
2.7 Presence of bus terminal ........................................................................................................ 30
3. Vulnerable Children and Young People ............................................... 31
3.1 Children from poor families................................................................................................... 31
3.2 Children from unstable/broken homes ................................................................................... 32
3.3 Children from child-headed families ..................................................................................... 33
3.4 Migrant/trafficked children .................................................................................................... 33
3.5 Street children ........................................................................................................................ 34
3.6 Children living in a state of loose family control .................................................................. 35
4. Factors Averting Risks of Sexual Abuse/Exploitation ........................ 35
4.1 Daily routines of the non-abused ........................................................................................... 36
4.2 Perspectives of children and young people ............................................................................ 37
4.2.1 Loving and supportive family ......................................................................................... 37
4.2.2 Peer influence .................................................................................................................. 38
4.2.3 Personal qualities/strategies ............................................................................................ 39
4.2.4 Religious affiliation and faith ......................................................................................... 41
4.2.5 External support .............................................................................................................. 41
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4.2.6 Clubs at schools .............................................................................................................. 43
4.2.7 General precaution .......................................................................................................... 43
4.3 Perspectives of parents, community figures, and NGOs representatives .............................. 43
4.3.1 Perspective of parents ..................................................................................................... 43
4.3.2 Perspectives of NGOs and community representatives .................................................. 45
4.4 Intra-category differences and similarities ............................................................................. 45
5. Recovery from Sexual Exploitation ....................................................... 47
5.1 Reflections of recovered young women ................................................................................ 47
5.1.1 Motivation for recovery .................................................................................................. 47
5.1.2 Strategies employed/steps taken ..................................................................................... 49
5.1.3 Turning points ................................................................................................................. 50
5.1.4 Support obtained ............................................................................................................. 52
5.1.5 Relapse incidences and worries ...................................................................................... 53
5.1.6 Daily routines of recovered young women ..................................................................... 53
5.2 Perspectives of parents, community and NGO representatives ............................................. 54
5.3 Intra-category similarities and differences ............................................................................. 55
6. Victims of Sexual Abuse/Exploitation ................................................... 56
6.1 Forms of abuse and sexual exploitation ................................................................................. 56
6.1.1 Physical abuse ................................................................................................................. 56
6.1.2 Sexual abuse of young girls ............................................................................................ 56
6.1.3 Sexual abuse of male children ........................................................................................ 57
6.1.4 Sexual exploitation of child girls by brothel owners ...................................................... 58
6.2 Coping with day-to-day life situations ................................................................................... 59
6.2.1 Resource sharing and mutual assistance ......................................................................... 60
6.2.2 Maintaining relationships with ‘boyfriends’ or ‘husbands’ ............................................ 61
6.2.3 The avoidance of risk situations ..................................................................................... 61
6.2.4 Refusing sex without condom ......................................................................................... 62
6.2.5 Stealing from customers ................................................................................................. 62
6.3 Coping with problems related to work and life ................................................................. 63
6.4 Relationships with the family ................................................................................................ 64
6.5 Efforts made to recover .......................................................................................................... 65
6.6 Intra-category similarities and differences ............................................................................. 66
7. Cross-category Similarities and Differences ........................................ 67
7.1 Vulnerable versus currently abused/exploited children ......................................................... 67
7.2 Vulnerable versus recovered children .................................................................................... 68
7.3 Currently abused/exploited versus recovered children .......................................................... 69
7.4 Comparison/contrast of the three categories of children ....................................................... 69
8. Conclusion ................................................................................................ 71
8.1 Conclusion ............................................................................. Error! Bookmark not defined.
References .................................................................................................... 74
Annex 1. Interview Guides ......................................................................... 77
Annex 2. Thematic areas for data organization and transcription ........ 85
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Acronyms
ACPF African Child Policy Forum
ANPPCAN Association for the Nationwide Action for Prevention and Protection
against Child Abuse and Neglect
AU (OAU) African Union (Organization of African Unity)
Birr Ethiopian currency (1 US$ = 12.7 Birr, January 2010)
CHAD-ET Children Aid Ethiopia
CBO Community-based Organization
CSA Central Statistical Authority
FSCE Forum for Street Children Ethiopia
HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
IFSO Integrated Family Service Organization
MCDP Multi-purpose Community Development Project
MoLSA Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs
NGO Non-governmental Organization
UNECA United Nations Economic Commission for Africa
ORAAMP Office for the Revision of Addis Ababa Master Plan
OPRIFS Organization for Prevention, Rehabilitation, and Integration of Female
Street Children
UN United Nations
US United States
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Executive Summary
The study reveals that the Merkato area in Addis Ababa has a multitude of risks that exposed
children to different adversities such as sexual abuse/exploitation. Commercial sex work, which
offered easy access to generate easy money, attracted desperate and excited girls and young
women. Crime and delinquency were also common in the study area. The common forms of
criminal behavior included rape, gang rape and other forms of sexual violence. The violent
behavior shown by criminal youngsters and children was fed and aggravated by alcohol/substance
abuse, which was also common in Merkato. Under the influence of alcohol and drugs, young
people and adults engaged in forms of violent sexual abuse. The presence of numerous video
houses, where pornographic and action films were screened, similarly exposed children to a high
risk of sexual abuse and exploitation.
A large number of families in Merkato area are engaged in occupations such as street vending and
peddling, which are often undertaken by children and youngsters. In such situations, the children
tend to encounter different sorts of people, including drunks, gangsters and strangers who use
forceful and deceptive means to abuse them sexually. Children involved in bed renting were
similarly at risk because they had to stay on the street to find people looking for bed. They were
the targets of sexual abuse by drunks, street boys, passersby, or guests who stayed overnight.
Congestion was a defining characteristic of the settlement patterns and living arrangements in the
study area. Many families lived and slept packed into small, often one-room houses, and some
households rented available space to strangers for overnight stays. The living arrangements put
children at high risks for rape.
Poverty was the dominant factor responsible for the increased susceptibility of children to sexual
abuse/exploitation. The majority of sexually exploited children ended up in prostitution in a bid to
extract themselves out of economic deprivation and support their families. Parents were pressured
by poverty into sending their children to engage in street business to generate income. These
engagements were dangerous for the children. Many homes were unable to provide children the
affection, care, and security they needed for their well-being and prosperity. A hostile home
climate marred by marital disharmony, alcoholism, drug addiction and physical and sexual
violence made it hard for children to stay safe. Family breakup because of divorce, separation and
other difficult circumstances caused the children to leave home and become vulnerable to a host of
risks. The death of either or both parents is found to result in single parent or child-headed
families. In order to cope with economic problems, many children took jobs that increased their
vulnerability to risks. Out of desperation, some became commercial sex workers.
Driven by push and pull factors, countless rural children migrated to Addis Ababa. Innumerable
others were also trafficked from rural communities by bus and truck drivers, brokers, relatives,
and brothel owners. Once at their destination in the urban setting, the children seldom achieved the
dreams that they expected or were promised. Instead, they got involved in street life, domestic
work in private homes or hired labor, which made them vulnerable to the risks of sexual
abuse/exploitation. Multitudes of vulnerable and homeless children lived or worked on the street
under harsh conditions. In the street environment, they were extremely vulnerable to sexual
abuse/exploitation. Strangers, passersby, and sugar daddies were among the categories of people
in whose hands underage or young street girls suffered rape and abuse.
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Despite the prevalence of risk factors in Addis Ababa and individual vulnerabilities, many
children and young people remained resilient to sexual abuse/sexual exploitation. Some even
excelled in education and succeeded in their lives. The study reveals that a number of factors
protected them from becoming victims of sexual abusers/exploiters. Family love, support, and
guidance contributed to resilient qualities of most children. Such positive family relationships preempted
any desire to search for affection and support from outside, which would have exposed
them to sexual assault. Positive peer pressure motivated children to succeed and encouraged them
to embrace appropriate social behavior, thereby reducing exposure to sexual abuse/exploitation.
Some children demonstrated competence in locating/utilizing protective resources at the disposal
of their peers and other supporters.
Many children and young people demonstrated competence in their critical consciousness to
understand threats around them and devise strategies to overcome those threats. Those who lived
in risky neighborhoods managed to avert the dangers by, for example, refraining from walking in
risky neighborhoods at certain times, not wearing provocative clothing, and avoiding
entertainment places. Some children possessed problem-solving skills that involved networking or
mutual cooperation against common threats. Street peddlers, bed renters, and commercial sex
workers, who constituted the majority of prey to potential sex predators, cooperated to protect
each other from offenders. A good number of children and young people displayed the ability to
act independently and make their environments as safe and productive as possible. The common
language used was 'keeping oneself busy with some work'. Many spent their leisure time reading
books, studying hard for school, helping families, and engaging in creative work (e.g., writing,
painting, etc.).
The protective qualities and strategies of some children were enhanced by support obtained from
external agencies. Some NGOs had programs to support poor families, thereby reducing the
vulnerability of children; schools had girls clubs and anti-AIDS clubs to raise awareness about
sexuality and protection from sex offenders; some CBOs contributed funds to support children
from poor families; religious institutions had educational programs that partly focused on moral
instruction; and some concerned citizens started supporting children at risk.
After starting sex work, many soon realized the gap between their pre-entry expectations (material
betterment and freedom) and the reality on the ground. Hence, some thought of quitting rather
early, although the actual recovery demanded time. The underlying reason to quit commercial sex
work was the need to disengage oneself from an activity surrounded by social stigma, health risks,
and different forms of abuse/exploitation. A few former sex workers recovered without plans.
However, the recovery experiences of the majority represented a well thought-out and step-by-step
process. They needed their own savings, external support, or a new job to fall back on. Some had
to initiate difficult negotiations with their families to be allowed to return home.
Specific moments/events triggered the descent of children and young women into abusive and
exploitative situations, while others facilitated recovery from such situations. Most informants
indicated that disagreements/quarrels with family members forced them out of home. Others left
home due to various reasons such as parental death and the culminating effect of poverty. The
majority did not leave home with the intention to become prostitutes. Many were swayed into sex
work out of frustration and economic desperation. It is equally important to note that certain
events turned the lives of commercial sex workers around. Even those who had been planning to
quit sex work mentioned that certain moments triggered fresh momentum to be more decisive than
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ever before. Unexpected job offers, acceptance into a shelter for those who need support, and
pleasing/disturbing medical test results caused abrupt decisions to quit.
Support obtained from family members, friends, and/or NGOs played vital roles in inspiring,
encouraging, facilitating, and consolidating recovery from sexual exploitation. Assistance was
given in the form of ideas, funds, materials, and/or training. While the limited financial and
material supports gave them short-term security, assistance in the form of sponsorship for
education and skill training addressed their worries for the long-term. The attention they were
given elevated their self-esteem and feelings of social relevance. Most recovered former sex
workers received help from their friends rather than from families or NGOs.
According to adult informants, factors that facilitate recovery from sexual abuse/exploitation may
be grouped into three: the presence of motivation and determination to recover on the part of the
victim; the presence of external support to facilitate the recovery; and the presence of a welcoming
environment to ensure reintegration into family and society. Many informants were cautious about
recovery stories because if one recovers, it does not necessarily mean that one will not relapse.
Hence, most informants underlined the need for a favorable environment and external support to
sustain resilience.
The research explored the forms of abuse that sex workers endured. The perpetrators included
customers, street gangs, and senior prostitutes. Physical abuse was reported to result from the
customer's refusal to pay for sex and wear condoms, their demands for unconventional sex acts,
and street gangs’ attempts to coerce child prostitutes into having sex for free or to take their
money. Closely associated with the physical abuse of child prostitutes was the practice of sexual
abuse such as rape and gang rape. Children practicing sex in the brothel environment experienced
the worst aspects of sexual exploitation under ladies who own rooms. Besides having to pay for
the rooms, the children had to share a large portion of their income with the room owners, and
were forced to work for long hours.
Despite being the targets of diverse forms of sexual abuse and exploitation, children involved in
prostitution are not, however, passive victims of the adversities they face. As their life experience
shows, they devise and adopt various coping strategies to manage difficulties. Mutual assistance
and resource sharing represented the main coping mechanisms used to deal with financial
problems. They also employed other coping strategies to deal with the threats and challenges
posed by customers and other abusers. Chief among these are establishing relationship with young
men considered as boyfriends/husbands, risk avoidance in the form of not going out with
customers to unfamiliar places, and refusing sex without condom. Various addictive habits such as
drinking alcohol, chewing khat, smoking tobacco and shisha, and inhaling ganja are other
practices that the child prostitutes engage in as coping strategies when facing difficulties. Church
attendance or fulfilling religious requirements is yet another strategy used to cope with troubles.
In regard to family relationships, the findings revealed that child prostitutes in the research
community, by and large, apparently operated without the knowledge or approval of their
parents. The social stigma attached to commercial sex explains the decision of the children to
practice prostitution in anonymity. Some maintained close family ties, while others
communicated with family via different channels. Many of those who maintained some contacts
with their families provided financial support to their parents and/or siblings.
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1. Background
1.1 Introduction
Children are vulnerable to risks of sexual abuse/exploitation due to their innocence, tenderness,
and powerlessness. In Ethiopia and the capital Addis Ababa, children’s exposure to such risks is
exacerbated by poverty, family breakdown, peer influence, child migration and trafficking,
commercial sex work, the screening of pornographic films, and drug/substance abuse, to mention
some. Studies indicate that child sexual abuse/exploitation and child trafficking have been on the
rise in the country (MoLSA 2002; ANPPCAN-Ethiopian Chapter 2004; Ayalew 2006; Belete, et
al 2006; Ermias 2007). A significant number of migrants and trafficked children from the
countryside had become commercial sex workers in Addis Ababa (Lome 2002; Fekade 2006;
Asham 2007). According to the official records of FSCE, the number of children trafficked to the
city increased from 213 in 2004 to 972 in 2008. Some of the findings underscored that the sexual
exploitation of children was particularly evident in urban areas (MoLSA 2002; Ayalew 2006;
Ermias 2007). In Ethiopia, cases of sexual abuse/exploitation are surrounded by fear, shame,
secrecy, and a culture of silence and indifference. This makes recovery and reintegration of
abused/exploited children and young people into family and society rather difficult.
While acknowledging the existence and magnitude of the challenges as described above, the
present study 1 explored whether all children exposed to risks of sexual abuse/exploitation
succumbed to the likely consequences and remained passive victims. The international literature
reveals that while some children exposed to adversities become helpless victims, others remain
resilient to risks or demonstrate competence to recover from dangerous situations (Palma and
Balanon 2007; Ungar, et al 2007; Benard 1995; Masten, et al 1990). In this regard, children in
Ethiopia cannot be exceptions. The present study was undertaken to explore the common risks that
expose children and young people to sexual abuse/exploitation as well as the vulnerability factors
that increase their susceptibility to these risks. The most important focus of the study is the
protective factors that enable children not only to overcome these risks but also to undergo
processes of successful transformation in their lives. Addis Ababa was selected as the research site
because it is a high-risk area for the occurrence of sexual abuse, sexual exploitation, and related
child trafficking.
As discussed in the methods section of this report, qualitative research methods, especially life
history interviewing and observation were employed. The research unequivocally revealed that
many children in the three kebeles of Addis Ketema Sub-City not only avoided or escaped from
eminent problems, but also turned the trajectory of failure in life into a positive outcome. The rich
life experiences of the children included in the study are expected to enhance our understanding of
child resilience to sexual abuse/exploitation. Thus far, very little was known about child resilience
in Ethiopia, and this constraint may have precluded the development of intervention strategies.
The present research is expected to contribute to the narrowing of the critical information gap and
pave the way for learning, awareness-raising, and program intervention using the resilience
framework.
1.2 The study area
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s largest metropolis, is a chartered City Administration that serves as the
capital of both the Oromia Region and the nation. The site was chosen in 1886 by Empress Taytu
1 The present study was carried out in three kebeles of Addis Ketema, one of the 10 Sub-Cities of Addis Ababa.
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Betul and a year later, the city was founded by her husband, Emperor Menelik II (Fasil and Gérard
2007). Historical events, political changes, economic development, and demographic increment
have transformed Addis Ababa over the years. The changes that have occurred from 1886 to
present can be summarized in four major phases: the early period of establishment and
consolidation, the intermediate period of modernization, the socialist period of centralized
administration, and the post-socialist period of transition to market economy (Wubshet 2002).
Over the years, several master plans were developed, often with the help of foreign planners. 2
Currently, Addis Ababa is divided into 10 Sub-Cities and 99 kebeles.
Table 1. Population, Sub-Cities and Kebeles of Addis Ababa
Sub-City Number of
Population size
Kebeles Male Female Total
1 Arada 10 99,392 112,617 212,009
2 Addis Ketema 9 124,741 130,351 255,092
3 Akaki Kality 8 88,676 92,526 181,202
4 Bole 11 145,057 163,657 308,714
5 Gullele 10 129,239 138,142 267,381
6 Kirkos 11 103,314 117,677 220,991
7 Kolfe Keranio 10 207,506 221,148 428,654
8 Lideta 9 96,221 105,392 201,613
9 Nifas Silk Lafto 10 148,892 167,216 316,108
10 Yeka 11 161,480 185,004 346,484
Total 99 1,304,518 1,433,730 2,738,248
Source: Central Statistical Authority, 2008.
According to the 2007 national census, the total population of Addis Ababa is 2,738,248 (CSA
2008:13). The total area of the city is estimated at 54,000 sq km, out of which 18,174 sq km is
rural (Wubshet 2002:101; Meheret 1999:2). The city, which stretches from 1800 to 3200 meters
above sea level, is located at 90° 2' N and 38° 45' E. The lowest and the highest annual average
temperatures of the city are 9.89°C and 24.64°C respectively. The annual average rainfall is 1178
mm (Dierig 1999). Addis Ababa is the home of various ethnic groups: 47.05 percent Amhara,
19.51 percent Oromo, 16.34 percent Gurage, 6.15 percent Tigray, and the remaining represent
other Ethiopian ethnic groups and foreign nationals (CSA 2008:104-106). Regarding religion, 74.7
percent of the population are Orthodox Christians, 16.2 percent Muslims, 7.8 percent Protestants,
0.5 percent Catholics, 0.1 percent traditional believers, and 0.8 percent followers of other religions
(CSA 2008:112). Earlier reports indicate that some 93.6 percent of the men and 79.9 percent of the
women in the city are literate (CSA and ORC Macro 2005:35-36). Some 96.2 percent of the city’s
households have tap water and 34.4 percent of the population own houses (Golini et al 2001).
2 The first guideline sketch of Addis Ababa was made in 1936 by the French Architect Le Corbusier. In 1936, two
Italians, I. Guidi and C. Valle prepared the second Master Plan. The British planner Sir Patrick Abercrombie prepared
the third Master Plan, which was completed in 1956. In 1959, Bolton, Hennesy and Partners (a British Consultancy
Office) reviewed Abercrombie’s plan. In 1965, a French consulting team led by L. De Marien prepared a new Master
Plan. During the Socialist regime (1974-1991) a city plan was prepared by a Hungarian planner, C. K. Polony. See
Fitsum (2007) and Wubshet (2002 ) for details on the Master Plans of Addis Ababa.
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The city's residents are engaged in diverse activities, such as trade/commerce, manufacturing and
industry, homemaking of different types, civil administration, transport and communication, social
services (education, health, etc.), hotel and catering services, and farming (CSA and ORC Macro
2005). The same report revealed that 68.9 percent of the men and 44.2 percent of the women are
employed. UN-Habitat’s (2007:25) recent report, based on a 2002 study by the Association of
Ethiopian Micro-finance Institutions, indicates that the informal sector, often located in slum parts
of the city, employs about 51 percent of the economically active labor force. Addis Ababa is the
official diplomatic capital of Africa with more than 90 embassies and consular representatives,
which makes it the fourth diplomatic center in the world. The city has been serving as the
Headquarters of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) since 1958 and
the Headquarters of the former Organization of African Unity (OAU), now Africa Union (AU),
since 1963.
Meheret Ayenew (1999:1) wrote, “Addis Ababa is a fast growing urban center that is beset with
the problems afflicting most cities in the developing world, including extensive poverty,
joblessness, inadequate housing, severe overcrowding/congestion and an undeveloped physical
infrastructure.” According to Sandra Dierig (1999), pollution, poverty and environmentally
induced hazards are among the major problems threatening the health and life of the majority of
the city’s inhabitants, particularly the urban poor. The author wrote, “Especially in the last few
years, urban poverty in Addis Ababa has increased tremendously… an increase from 45-63%
between 1993 and 1995… Unemployment, very poor housing, sanitation and water supply, and
insufficient healthcare are rampant problems…. The number of homeless is said to be 40,000"
(Dierig 1999:52). The reports by Meheret (1999), Dierig (1999), Kamete et al (2001), Golini et al
(2001), Wubshet (2002), and UN-Habitat (2004; 2007) reveal the presence of many other
problems: an estimated 85 percent of the population is believed to live in slums; 85 percent of the
housing stock is located in unplanned areas; 41 percent of the households earn less than Birr 13
per day; about 35 percent live below the poverty line; 25.2 percent do not have indoor toilets; only
60 percent of the demand for water has been met; unemployment rate is 30-35 percent; etc.
On the positive side, currently, Addis Ababa is witnessing phenomenal public and private
investments. The strategic development framework of the city provides a ten-year (2001-2010)
policy and development direction. Housing, slum upgrading, development of the inner-city,
construction of roads, establishment of industries and warehouses, and protection and
development of the environment are the six priority strategic development goals to be achieved
during the ten-year plan (ORAAMP 2002:48). The major transformations of the city are evidenced
by the construction of public schools, private hospitals, road networks, hotels (notably, Sheraton
Addis), new airport, several high rises in the inner-city, and the housing real estate in the outskirts
(Gebre 2008). Moreover, banks, shopping centers, colleges, healthcare services, and many other
private businesses are flourishing throughout the city.
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Figure 1. The research site
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1.3 Research design and methods
1.3.1 Selection of research site
Addis Ababa was selected as the research site because it represented a high-risk area for child
sexual abuse/exploitation and related child trafficking. This was established through regular police
reports, the prevalence of prostitution in several corners of the city (Bethlehem 2005), and the
large number of children trafficked to the city from different parts of the country (Asham 2007).
The Merkato area, especially the neighborhoods of the bus terminal, in Addis Ketema Sub-City
was selected as the specific research site. Merkato is well known for widespread poverty,
prevalent prostitution, sexual offence cases, and drug/alcohol abuse. The location of the bus
station in the middle of Addis Ketema Sub-city made Merkato the destination of rural migrants
and trafficked children from all directions. After contacting six of the nine kebeles in Addis
Ketema Sub-City close to central Merkato and the bus station, three adjacent kebeles (namely,
13/15, 10/11/12, and 06/07) were selected because of their suitability for the study. 3
1.3.2 Selection of informants
Two categories of informants participated in the study. The first category consisted of 68 children
and young people aged 10-24. The second category comprised 30 adults: 10 parents, 10
community representatives, and 10 representatives of NGOs working with children. The first
category, which consists of the 68 children and young people, is further divided into three subcategories:
vulnerable and non-abused (high risk children not subjected to sexual abuse and
exploitation); currently/recently abused/exploited (those under abusive/exploitative situation at the
time of the research); and recovered (prostitute who quit sex work). Because of their age
differences, children and young people between 10 and 24 years old were expected to differ from
each other in their experiences and capacities to deal with risks of sexual abuse/exploitation. This
warranted the division of informants into three age groups: 10-13, 14-17, and 18-24.
Table 2. Categories of informants by age group
Age Vulnerable but Recently
Recovered from
Group Non-Abused Abused/Exploited Exploitative Situation
M F T M F T M F T
10-13 3 5 8 3 5 8 0 0 0
14-17 3 6 9 2 8 10 0 3 3
18-24 3 11 14 1 8 9 0 7 7
Total 9 22 31 6 21 27 0 10 10
Prior to the informant identification and the interview process, the two female researchers spent
some three weeks familiarizing themselves with the research site and potential informants. The
male researchers also made their presence noticed by traveling around with NGO and kebele staff.
Then, potential informants considered suitable for the study were identified using four strategies.
First, the major NGOs that operate in Merkato area were contacted to obtain the list of potential
informants and secure entry into the neighborhoods. Three individuals working for two NGOs and
some knowledgeable beneficiaries were employed as contact persons and part-time field assistants
3 The Sub-Cities of Addis Ababa are divided into kebeles (lowest administrative tiers) known by numbers.
15

to help with the informant identification and entry. Second, six kebeles were contacted, again, to
identify potential informants and help with the entry. Since the cooperation of three kebele offices
was sufficient for the purpose, it was not necessary to revisit the other three units. Third, during
interviews with parents and community representatives, informants were briefed about the three
categories of children/young people that were being studied. Then, they were asked to name
children in their neighborhood, who fit in any of the categories. Fourth, child/youth informants
were also asked about their knowledge of other children in their situation (same category) or
different situations (in the other two categories). The first two strategies were employed early and
simultaneously, while the other two were pursued rather late, after securing entry into the
neighborhoods. All potential informants identified through the four means were visited often more
than once by the researchers for suitability assessment. Those determined suitable for the study
were revisited for the actual interviews on dates/times of their choice.
Most of the parents were chosen based on the participation of their children in the study, while few
others were purposefully selected because of their prominence in their neighborhoods. The
community representatives were selected based on their recognized knowledge of certain interests
and/or communities that they represented. The representatives of the major NGOs operating in
Merkato and those of little-known organizations were included in the research. The basis of
selection was their involvement in issues related to child sexual abuse, sexual exploitation, and/or
child trafficking.
1.3.3 Data collection
Two main data collection techniques were employed: observation and interview. The observation
method was employed to understand the socio-economic conditions of families; the types of
businesses in the study neighborhood; the way the children spent their time and with whom; the
participation of children in religious programs; and other physical and social environments that
increased vulnerability or enhanced resilience.
The life history interview method was used to obtain the narrative reconstruction of the lives of the
68 children and young people in some coherent order. 4 As established in Robert Atkin's work, the
life history method helps to understand a child's current situations and how they may have been
influenced by decisions that may have been made at another time and in another place. This
approach helps to produce thorough information about the way the children view their lives, their
perception of societal attitudes towards them, and the implications of these perceptions. Data were
obtained by getting young people to tell their individual stories in their own words, rather than by
asking them leading questions, and this was accomplished by beginning the interview process with
the informant’s early childhood experiences and then proceeding to the present.
The life history method is not the best strategy to solicit information from much younger children
because of their age and limited experiences. Therefore, those between 10 and 13 were asked to
tell about their current situations and their experiences from the recent past in free narrative style.
During the early contacts, they were asked questions that might interest them most (e.g., sports,
celebrities, and movies) and things they did prior to the interview. Open-ended questions expected
to invite them to share uninfluenced and undirected information were presented. All efforts were
made to ensure that the interviews were conducted in a relaxed and playful atmosphere. As the
4 Regarding the interview of children and young people, attempts were made to ensure that the male principal
investigators interviewed male informants and the female research assistants interviewed female informants.
16

interview proceeded, the researchers probed and systematically directed the nature of the questions
so that the exercise produced the desired research results. Information from the adults (parents,
community figures, and representatives of NGOs) was collected largely through in-depth
interviews.
1.3.4 Data analysis and structuring
A number of factors have influenced the process of the data organization and analysis. Hence, the
structure of the report evolved to assume its present form as the research progressed. The review
of resilience literature was a crucial primary step taken to become acquainted with the current
thinking on the issue. This has made it possible for the research team to communicate with a good
measure of shared understanding about resilience, and it facilitated discussions with the
International Steering Committee (ISC). Moreover, the literature review has played an important
role in conceptualizing the problem, shaping the concept note, and later developing the research
proposal in accordance with the terms of reference.
To ensure in-depth understanding of resilience in children exposed to sexual abuse/exploitation,
three principal categories were formed: vulnerable and non-abused, currently/recently
abused/exploited, and recovered. To appreciate age-based differences and similarities in life
experiences of the informants, each category was sub-divided into three age groups (10-13, 14-17,
and 18-24). Subsequently, data collection instruments and specific life history interview questions
were developed in a manner that suited the said categories and age groups. It should be
emphasized that the standard concepts of resilience gleaned from the relevant literature had an
influence on the identification of the categories and the design of the data collection instruments.
However, discussions with the ISC also played a major part in the refinement of the research
procedure and the design of instruments. Insofar as the research design followed these important
steps, it is inevitable that the results of this exercise would ultimately surface in the process of the
data analysis and organization. Nonetheless, the stories of the children narrated during fieldwork
largely shaped the present structure of the report. Once the data collection was complete, members
of the research team held a meeting to discuss and determine the course that the data transcription
and organization should take, and whether the transcription should be done in English or Amharic.
Thematic areas were identified to guide data organization and both languages were used for data
transcription.
Once the data were organized and transcribed along thematic areas, the principal investigators
took assignments to review the data thoroughly and prepare tentative report outlines. A common
report structure was developed and agreed upon after merging the outlines in a manner that
avoided overlap, while ensuring that issues were not missed in the data reduction process.
Feedbacks/comments from the research assistants played a part in shaping the report structure.
Lastly, the principal investigators divided the chapters between themselves and embarked upon the
task of data analysis and write-up before putting the parts together to make a single report. The
report was written in such as way that the voices of the children are heard.
1.3.5 Challenges encountered and measures taken
The research team encountered a number of challenges that demanded careful attention and
appropriate measures. Some informants, particularly those who had been sexually exploited,
provided distorted stories. Attempts were made to convince such informants to provide genuine
17

information. Those who provided suspicious and contradictory information were deselected and
the data discarded. Interviewing children between the ages of 10 and 13 in the category called
'vulnerable and non-abused' presented a special challenge. Since culturally, sexuality is treated
with secrecy and apprehension, young children felt uncomfortable with such terms as sex, sexual
abuse, sexual exploitation, and sexual harassment. Hence, the researchers used indirect
expressions such as inappropriate request and touch. Prior to inquiring about the personal
experiences of the informants, younger children were first told the experiences of other children.
The interviews were conducted in a playful fashion and friendly atmosphere in such a way that
discussions moved back-and-forth between serious talks and entertaining conversations.
Although different strategies were eventually devised to ensure their participation, identifying and
arranging meetings with maids and sex workers on 24-hour duty presented a challenge because it
was rather difficult for them to secure permission from the people they worked for. Since they
engaged in sex work at night, slept in the mornings, and socialized in the afternoons, conducting
interviews with the regular prostitute also demanded flexibility in interview times. Some
informants came to interviews while under the influence of alcohol and drugs, and this required reinterviewing
them when they were sober.
Some sexually abused children suffered from gossips and humiliation by peers and other people in
their neighborhoods. The gossips and name-calling increased when NGO workers and other
strangers such as researchers visited such children. Hence, some abused children and their parents
were uncomfortable, if not unwilling, to participate in the research. In order to address their
worries, the researchers agreed to pretend that the visits were unrelated to the incidences of sexual
assaults, and to conduct the interviews at places and times convenient to the children and their
parents/guardians. A few informants consented to be interviewed but refused be tape-recorded or
became tense by the recording process. When efforts to persuade them or calm them down failed,
the researchers shifted to note-taking to capture the information provided. Many informants
demanded payment for the time they spent. Hence, it was necessary to pay informants a token to
compensate for their time that would have been used productively.
The original plan was to interview 90 children and young people and 30 adults. According to the
plan, each category would have 30 informants (21 female and 9 male), and each age-based subcategory
would have seven female and three male informants. As indicated in Table 1 above, the
original plan was not strictly observed because certain challenges warranted some adjustments.
Regarding the category called non-abused/exploited, for example, instead of 30 children and
young people, 31 were interviewed. Eight of the 31 informants came from the age group 10-13,
nine informants from 14-17, and 14 from 18-24. In the lower age categories, child resilience to
sexual abuse/exploitation is largely explained in terms of the ability of children to bear enticement
and avoid the use of force. Since they were young and still vulnerable, one can only hope that they
will remain resilient. Those in the upper age group seemed to have reached a stage where the risks
were minimum or none and success was attained or within reach. Hence, more samples were taken
from the upper age group to increase diversity and bring depth to the study.
Concerning the complicated category called currently/recently abused/exploited, the research team
encountered multiple challenges. It is complicated because, when unpacked, this category was
found to consist of four sub-categories: currently abused male/female, currently exploited
male/female, recently abused male/female, and recently exploited male/female. And, this is apart
from the three age-based groupings that apply to all categories. One of the challenges related to
18

identifying currently abused male and female informants. Since the experience of abuse was
surrounded by fear and shame, nobody came forward. Thus, the balance was totally biased
towards currently exploited girls and young women. Moreover, finding male informants for this
category was generally difficult, as male sexual abuse/exploitation is rare and underreported.
The major challenge related to the third category (recovered) was identifying male informants who
recovered from sexual abuse/exploitation for all three age groups. Incidences of male sexual
abuse, male participation in sex work, and homosexual orientations are recent developments in
Ethiopia. Rumors and media stories in the last few years shocked and disgusted the public,
religious institutions, and authorities. The incidences seem to be very rare and the social
environment discourages openness. Although the research team managed to locate a few male sex
workers, they refused to have face-to-face interviews because of the shame involved and perceived
harsh consequences from the public and authorities if their secrecy is unveiled. The second
challenge was that the team could not identify girls for the age group 10-13. At an early age,
according to informants, entry into abusive/exploitative situation is more likely to happen than
recovery from it.
The research team witnessed crisis that three informants (Alem Behailu, Menelik Geremew, and
Dagne Aizo) encountered. They decided to secure them assistance from NGOs and succeeded
partly. Two organizations offered to accept and help two of the children (Alem and Dagne).
Before we had the chance to find him a sponsor, the third child (Menelik), was taken to a youth
correctional facility due to a pending attempted child molestation charge against him.
1.3.6 Ethical issues
The present study was conducted in accordance with the code of ethics related to research with
children. Generally, the ethical requirements relate to scientific validity, welfare of the
participants, and respect for the dignity of participants. Accordingly, the ethical norms for this
study were designed to respect human dignity, respect freedom and self-determination of the
participants, obtain informed consent, inform participants about the research, and keep the
confidentiality of participants. As part of keeping the confidentiality of informants, pseudonyms
have been used throughout this report. The consent of parents/guardians was secured for children
younger than 16. All children were informed that they could refuse to participate, or withdraw in
the middle of the interview process, and that they should not volunteer out of fear or respect for
adults. Since exploring children's feelings and traumatic experiences might trigger discomfort, the
interviews were conducted with utmost sensitivity. Informants were given written consent
documents that provided details about the research, responsibilities/duties of the researchers, the
rights of informants, and the use of the research results. Interviews were conducted after ensuring
that the informants understood the message and securing the signed consent letter.
Parents/guardians signed the consent form for children below the age of 16. In the case of
unaccompanied children, the consent of adult figures associated with or known to them was
secured.
1.4 Literature review
The scientific study of child resilience is a field of research endeavor that spans two and half
decades. The investigations undertaken during this time have increased the understanding of the
subject by giving fresh insights and enlightenment on various aspects of the issue as the years
have passed by. For example, the traditional approach toward child welfare used to focus on the
19

investigation of risk factors. As a result, the output and lessons learned from the investigative
processes were intended to inform the design of interventions aimed at mitigating the impacts of
the risk conditions.
Nevertheless, observations indicated that not all children were susceptible to, or adversely affected
by, the risks they faced. Thus, such understanding and insights redirected the focus of attention to
the study of protective factors and resilience outcomes. In recent years, research activity has
therefore been geared toward the development of knowledge in the area, and a shift in the
approach adopted toward child-focused program design. Informed practice in devising
interventions and the promotion of resilience is thought to be a more effective approach in terms
of enabling children to achieve positive outcomes in their interactions with single or multiple risk
factors.
1.4.1 Definitions
Researchers in the field have come up with a number of definitions that reflect the characteristics
of resilience from different angles and perspectives. Hence, a uniform definition that all
investigators accept has not been achieved. For this reason, for the purpose of the study at hand, it
is deemed appropriate to provide descriptions of the different facets of the conceptualization of
resilience, rather than focusing on a definition that does not after all encompass or reflect all the
stated features of the concept. Accordingly, in the conduct of the research, the investigators
approached the subject of child resilience from the point of view of resilience characteristics
identified at the Oak Foundation sponsored consultative discussion held in 2007 5 . Therefore, the
definitional characteristics which guided the direction of the research are the following:
� Resilience encompasses growth as well as resistance and coping in the face of adversity.
� It is a long-term process, or a life path.
� It may need adversity to develop, i.e., it develops in the face of adversity.
� A resilient child copes with adversity better than he or she should.
� Resilience should be seen as a process in interaction with the environment, not an inherent
quality in the child.
� It needs more than positive qualities or resources – active use of resources is required.
� It may be seen in individuals or in the group environment.
� It is never absolute, but varies with circumstances and time, and from person to person.
1.4.2 Child resilience to sexual abuse/exploitation
The vulnerability model, adopted in previous years, tended to view children as “weak, passive,
helpless, dependent, and incapable of doing things” (Palma and Balanon, 2007 quoting
Warburton). However, there has of late been a shift to the resilience model which considers
children as “having the capacity to cope, adapt and overcome traumatic experiences” (Palma and
Balanon, 2007 quoting Warburton). Further, the resilience model views children as “active agents
in their own development and not as passive victims of adversity” (Palma and Balanon, 2007
citing Gilligan, 2001). From this perspective, “the concept of resilience is often associated with
successful adaptation, well-being, positive functioning and competence in the face of uncertainty,
chronic stress, and prolonged or severe trauma” (Palma and Balanon, 2007 citing Luthar, 1993 and
Egeland et al 1993).
5
‘Towards an Operational Definition of the Resilience Approach’. A working synthesis of an Oak-sponsored
discussion held in 2007.
20

The discussion of the subject in the context of the resilience model, therefore, begs the question:
Who then are resilient children? In the answer to this, Masten et al (1990) has identified three
categories that can be described as resilient: Children who do not succumb to adversities, despite
their high-risk status; children who develop coping strategies in situations of chronic stress; and
children who have suffered extreme trauma or abuse and who have recovered and prospered. In
order to expound on what kind of children are resilient in connection with sexual abuse and
exploitation, emphasis is given to the discussion of risk and vulnerability situations 6 , protective
factors 7 and recovery outcomes.
In order to understand and appreciate resilience in the context of child sexual abuse and
exploitation, one needs to investigate what kind of children are at risk, vulnerable, and can make
use of available protective resources to avoid succumbing to threats or manage the impacts.
Children who are at high risk of sexual abuse and exploitation are those who live in families,
neighborhoods or community where the exposing factors to abusive and exploitative situations are
common or widely prevalent. On the other hand, vulnerable children are those who find
themselves in situations which increase their susceptibility to sexual abuse and exploitation, where
the risks that lead to the same outcomes may or may not exist. In the face of exposing factors,
some children can still manage to avoid becoming the victims of sexual abuse and exploitation. In
other instances, children who may have succumbed to the adversities manifest process or
outcomes of successfully coping with the impacts or making a durable recovery from adverse
situations. Such children are the ones able to exploit to their advantage resilience factors located
within them, their families, or the community.
The assets or resources that enhance children’s capacity for resilience are described as individual
factors or personality traits, cognitive factors, familial factors, and sociological factors (Morales,
2007). According to the same source, qualities referred to as individual factors/personality traits
are self-organization, self-esteem, personal effectiveness, internal-external control, psychological
endurance, and drawing on positive emotions. Characteristics defined as cognitive factors are
coping strategies adopted by resilient children to effectively manage the impacts of adversities
such as seeking emotional support, disclosure to a third person (adult or sibling), and cognitive
restructuring or cognitive reframing 8 , cognitive aptitude 9 , and dispositional optimism 10 . Referred
to as familiar factors are emotional attachment and familial cohesion, emotional security, warm
emotional climate within the family created by the quality of parent-child and conjugal
relationships. Included among sociological factors are (a) membership groups such as family,
neighborhood, community which provide each other mutual support and require adherence to a
group’s moral rules. These elements favor or foster resilience in children and young people
exposed to difficult conditions. The cultural environment and the socio-political system also
6 Based on the definition of Newman (2004), risk refers to any factor or combination of factors that increases the
chance of an undesirable outcome affecting a person. Vulnerability is a feature that renders a person more susceptible
to a threat.
7 Protective factors are the circumstances that moderate the effects of risk (Newman (2004).
8 Cognitive restructuring/cognitive reframing is a strategy that leads to a change in the understanding of the traumatic
event and its implications (Morales, 2007 citing Spaccarelli, 1994:41)
9 Resilient children often demonstrate a greater capacity for understanding and analyzing situations and a greater
capacity for attention and concentration (Morales, 2007).
10 Dispositional optimism refers to a stable, generalized set of expectations of positive things that will come to us in
different areas of life and at different times in our existence (Morale, 2007)
21

constitute membership groups that influence, through their values and attitudes, what resilience
might be; (b) peer relations which take on a new significance during adolescence period can play
an important role in healthy development and favor resilience to the extent that they may exert
positive influence on children and young people. In fact, identification with peer group, where the
identification is strong, can lead to a greater emotional support which nurtures resilience; (c)
socio-demographic factors relate to the variables of age, gender and socio-economic status. The
same source (Morales, 2007, citing different authorities) explains that the risks of psychological
disturbance resulting from sexual abuse tend to vary in intensity and severity depending on how
young the victim was at the time of the experience. Poverty aggravates the risk of suffering
adverse conditions, intensifies the chances of experiencing psychological distress and denies the
resources needed to cope with adversities. Indeed, (Morales, 2007, citing Dumont, Widom et el
2007:15) states: “…the abused child who grows up in an economically advantaged neighborhood
has more possibility of appearing resilient than a child who grows up in a disadvantaged
neighborhood”; (d) spiritual and religious belief refers to active participation in the practice of a
religious group or membership of a system of beliefs. Identification with a spiritual fellowship for
the purpose of seeking divine backing can produce a therapeutic effect to recover from
psychological stress that adults suffer as a consequence of sexual abuse during childhood.
1.4.3 Core concepts in resilience research
In the literature, the discussions of resilience are premised on five core concepts: risk factors,
vulnerability factors, competence, protective factors, and developmental assets (Rutter 1990;
Masten and Coatsworth 1998; Kaplan 1999; Scales, et al 2000; Masten 2001). The complex
interplay of these factors is believed to ultimately determine children’s successful outcomes in the
process of their development into adulthood.
Risk factors are conditions internal or external to the child that are likely to aggravate the
possibilities of undergoing sexual exploitation and abuse as the negative outcomes of poor social
adjustment. Conditions identified as common risk factors include traumatic life events (such as the
death of a parent), socioeconomic disadvantages, family conflict, and chronic exposure to
violence, and serious parental problems such as substance abuse, criminality, or mental illness
(Kaplan 1999 in Braveman 2001). A particular concern also identified as a major risk factor is
having to grow up in poverty and destitution as it presents numerous and serious threats to the
child’s successful development. Vulnerability factors pertain to the child’s characteristic features
or environmental circumstances that tend to increase a degree of susceptibility to the effects of a
given risk factor. Vulnerability factors predispose children to the impact of the risk processes, but
do not by themselves result in negative outcomes, sexual exploitation and abuse in this case,
where the actual risk variables are not manifest.
Competence refers to children’s adaptive behavior of various kinds that enable them to withstand
the knocks and blows of adverse conditions and to manage to exhibit resilience and overcome the
odds (Masten and Coatsworth 1998). Competence may be manifested in broader terms or more
specific areas that relate to psychological health and adaptation, or in the latter case, good
performance at school, healthy social relationships, etc.
Protective factors are the characteristics of the child or environmental circumstances that moderate
or counteract the potentially negative outcomes (such as child sexual exploitation and abuse to be
specific) of the risk variables involved (Rutter 1990). Protective factors operate in several ways,
22

although full agreement does not exist among researchers regarding their relationships with risk
factors. Benard (1995) grouped protective factors into three categories: caring and supportive
relationships, positive and high expectations, and opportunities for meaningful participation. Some
view or treat protective and risk factors as two different sets of variables, while others consider
them only as opposing points of a single continuum.
Developmental assets are individual or environmental factors that work to heighten the possibility
of attaining positive outcomes, in the face of threatening conditions for exposure to sexual
exploitation and abuse. Conceptually, strong relationships exist between protective factors and
developmental assets, while a wide definitional difference separates the two concepts in practical
terms. Protective factors are defined and understood in relation to risk processes, insofar as they
operate to mitigate the possible effect of risk situations. On the other hand, developmental assets
find their expression directly in terms of their connections with desirable outcomes. Where assets
exist, the likelihood to achieve positive outcomes is high.
On the whole, resilience is a concept that embodies two fundamental components: exposure to
risks and demonstration of competence and successful adaptation. Thus resilience represents a
dynamic process rather than a fixed character trait of a child. Hence, children who seem to
demonstrate resilience at one point in life may or may not do so with changing circumstances
through later years. The understanding of the concept as a process, a perspective which is
increasingly gaining emphasis, suggests that a child’s successful adaptation and demonstration of
competence within the context of a high-risk environment is an outcome of interactive processes
between resilient factors located within the child, the family, and the community.
1.4.4 Child resilience research in Ethiopia
The available information on the sexual abuse/exploitation of children in Ethiopia remains scanty
and fragmentary due to the absence of a comprehensive study on the subject. The studies
conducted on the issue to date provide not much more than an overview of the situation because of
being limited in their coverage and placing emphasis on specific geographic locations and child
groups. As indicated in the introduction, the existing evidence, no matter how small and scattered,
reveals that the problem has been prevalent and on steady increase around the country (FSCE
2003; 2008; ACPF 2005: MOLSA 2005). Major reported forms of child sexual abuse/exploitation
in the Ethiopian context are sexual violence including rape, sexual harassment, abduction, child
trafficking, and exploitation of children by engaging them in commercial sex (MOLSA 2005).
Similarly, research on child resilience to sexual abuse/exploitation is almost non-existent. The
only report that could be located and consulted is the consultancy research that was commissioned
by Pact Ethiopia and conducted on factors related to resilience of girl students in Amhara,
Gambella and SNNP Regions (Pact Ethiopia 2008). The major objective of the study was to
identify the external and individual factors that enhanced or hindered resilience among targeted
girl students attending high school in the three project regions. The research was undertaken as
part the initiative known as Girls’ Empowerment and Management Project (GEM), implemented
by Pact Ethiopia in 15 secondary schools in the three regions, with an aim to enable 500 girl
students to complete secondary education and acquire leadership and life skills. In the rural sociocultural
setting where they grew up, the beneficiary girls are reported to have experienced
hardships and challenges that could have resulted in their being sexually abused exploited. The
23

adversities that the targeted girl students are said to have endured range from early marriage and
abduction to other forms of gender-based violence.
1.5 Policy and legal framework: Ethiopia
With a view to mitigating child sexual abuse/exploitation and addressing the various exposing
factors, the Government of Ethiopia has adopted a number of policy and legal instruments and
ratified the relevant international laws. Of particular interest in this regard is the government’s
ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, UNCRC (UN 1989) and
the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, ACRWC (OAU 1990). Indeed, the
norms and standards that define the domestic policy and legal frameworks geared towards fighting
child sexual abuse/exploitation have their origin in these UN and AU legal instruments. Thus, not
only has the convention been made an integral part of the law of land as per article 9(4) of the
Ethiopian Constitution (Negarit Gazeta 1995), but it has also been domesticated through
Proclamation No. 10 of 1992. Besides, with a view to ensuring its wide dissemination, the
UNCRC has been translated into 11 local languages. Likewise, the government has ratified the
ACRWC through Proclamation No. 283/2002. The ILO Convention 182 for the Elimination on the
Worst Forms of Child Labor is another relevant international law which Ethiopia is party to, since
it has ratified the convention and made it an integral part of its domestic legal framework pursuant
to article 9(4) of the constitution.
The Ethiopian Constitution addresses the rights of children in full endorsement of the UNCRC, as
it stipulates under article 36. In connection with exploitative practices directed against children,
sub article 1(d) states: “Every child has the right …not to be subject to exploitative practices,
neither to be required nor permitted to perform work which may be hazardous or harmful to his or
her education, health or well-being”. Moreover, the constitution provides for a general policy
guideline by identifying the best interests of the child as a fundamental principle that governs the
design and implementation of program interventions dealing with children. In this respect, sub
article 2 reads: “In all actions concerning children undertaken by public and private welfare
institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the primary
consideration shall be the best interest of the child”.
The provisions of the constitution regarding children may have had a positive impact that is
reflected in a number of government polices and national plans of actions meant to, directly or
indirectly, promote and protect the rights and welfare of the child. Yet, a comprehensive policy
devoted exclusively to the prevention and tackling of the sexual abuse/exploitation of children has
not so far been enacted. In admission of this gap in the existing policy and legal frameworks, the
National Action Plan on Sexual Abuse and Exploitation of Children (2006-2010), issued by
MOLSA (2005) states: “Although there are various policies and national plans of actions that
touch upon the issue in specific and limited sense, there is no single comprehensive policy dealing
with the exploitation and abuse of children in Ethiopia”.
However, although far from comprehensive, the Developmental and Social Welfare Policy of
Ethiopia concerns itself with the protection of children in general, and those under difficult
circumstances in particular. In a similar fashion, the Cultural Policy of Ethiopia addresses the
issue of abolishing harmful traditional practices, which traditional customs may well be the
causes, predisposing factors and manifestations of child sexual abuse/exploitation (MOLSA
2005). A review of other pertinent documents such as the National Youth Policy, the National
Education Policy, the Social Affairs Policy, and the Policy on Woman may in one way or the other
24

touch upon the sexual abuse/exploitation of children, but fail to directly or broadly address the
issue. Besides, the government has at different times prepared and put into action a serious of
national action plans that relate to the promotion and protection of the rights of children. Among
these are the National Action Plan for Children (1996-2000) and the National Action Plan on
Orphans and Vulnerable Children (2004-2006). It is, however, noteworthy that a National Acton
Plan on Sexual Abuse and Exploitation of Children (2006-2010) represents a major step forward
in the series, inasmuch as it makes direct mention of child sexual abuse and exploitation and
addresses it as its center of focus, by setting out key prevention and rehabilitation strategies. On
top of this, it identifies four areas of intervention: Prevention of sexual abuse and exploitation of
children, protection of victims, rehabilitation and reintegration of child victims, and coordination
and monitoring of interventions.
In relation to legal frameworks, the country’s subsidiary legislations like the Revised Criminal
Code of 2005 and the Revised Family Code of 2000 are significant improvements on their
predecessor legislations in that they contain specific provisions that deal with aspects and elements
of child sexual abuse and exploitation. As for the Revised Criminal Code, it discuses elaborately
and imposes punishments on specific offenses that it identifies as: trafficking in infants and young
persons for the purpose of prostitution, making a profession of or living by the prostitution or
immorality of another, exposing children to indecent acts, obscene or indecent publications and
advertisements, child pornography, rape where the victim is a minor, sexual outrage on minors and
young persons, seduction, and early marriage. The Revised Family Code is a result of the attempt
to bring this legal instrument into conformity with the constitution of 1995 and relevant
international legal instruments including the UNCRC. One major area of improvement is that the
Revised Family Code incorporates the principles of the best interest of the child as per article 3 (1)
of the UNCRC and article 36 of the Ethiopian Constitution. Secondly, the Revised Family Code
reinforces the safeguarding of the family as an appropriate setting for full and harmonious
development of a child’s personality (MOLSA 2005). The most significant contribution of the
Code is nonetheless the setting of the minimum marriageable age of 18 for girls, which used to be
15 under the repealed provisions of the Civil Code of 1960. All in all, encouraging progress can
be observed in the designing and enactment of polices and laws toward the protection of children
against sexual abuse and exploitation. Yet, a lot remains to be done to fight and stop the practice
in all its forms and dimensions. To that end, it is crucially important to ensure strong government
commitment, forthcoming donor support, effective coordination of efforts, and the cooperation of
stakeholders and actors.
2. Common Risk Factors in Merkato
The results of interviews conducted for this study indicate that the research area is rife with factors
exposing children to sexual abuse/exploitation. The focus of this chapter is on environmental
circumstances, generally those external to children, which act as common risk factors exposing
them to sexual abuse and exploitation. Of course, in the context of individual children, the
experience of sexual abuse/exploitation may be the outcome of a single common risk or two or
more risk factors working in combination. However, for the sake of convenience, factors identified
as common risks from the perspective of the research community are treated separately. In other
cases, where the overlap between common risks is such that one cannot be analyzed independent
of the other, it may be necessary to group these together.
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2.1 Prevalence of commercial sex work
The Addis Ketema area, where the research neighborhoods are located, lies within one of the
oldest parts of Addis Ababa. As such, the area makes up part of the city center where the capital’s
largest market (Merkato) and the main bus terminal are located. Wide prevalence of commercial
sex is among the characteristic features of the Addis Ketema area. Commercial sex has been
practiced here for generations. In fact, as informants pointed out, so widespread and predominant
is commercial sex in the area that community members generally tolerate it. Given the high
prevalence and long history of sex work in this quarter of the city, there is every indication that
entry into the practice hardly meets any deterrent. Senait Damte (18), a female sex worker living
in a nearby neighborhood in Addis Ketema Sub-City stated:
In my view, there is not much in the area that prevents children entering into prostitution.
Community members generally do not exclude sex workers. This is not the case in other
parts of the city. Peers and acquaintances normally shun young girls who practice
prostitution. Here it is different. Child prostitutes do not become the objects of gossip and
stigma. They may even find assistance from fellow children who offer help to train them
and facilitate their entry into sex work.
On top of this, sex work is considered as a means of earning money without much effort, as
pointed out by several of the child informants involved in the practice (Tihun Getachew, Brzawit
Ketema, Jemanesh Tamene, and Belaynesh Mengistu). Unlike other types of business common in
that district, the practice does not require the investment of resource in terms of initial capital and
specialist knowledge and skills. Besides the fulfillment of personal needs, sex work helps generate
easy money to support parents and siblings, as three young girls indicated (Senait Damete, Tiblet
Dagne, and Hiwot Getamesay). The story told by a presently recovered child prostitute is
particularly telling. Hiwot Getamesay (20) related:
I belong to a family of many children. Several of us were born in quick succession. My
parents were too poor to support us through our education. It was unbearable for me to see
my brothers out of school for lack of money. Prostitution was the only possible way I had
to earn money. I could have found work as a housemaid. But the money from domestic
work would barely have been enough to support my brothers. Sex work offered an income
that enabled me not only to help my siblings with their education, but also to take care of
my own needs.
Unlike other kinds of job, sex work does not require certain conditions to engage in it. This makes
commercial sex an even greater risk to vulnerable children in the study area. Young girls who
might have taken up domestic service have instead ended up becoming child prostitutes, for not
being able to produce guarantors or certificate to prove their HIV free status.
Moreover, children born and raised in a family or neighborhood where commercial sex is
routinely practiced find themselves at a high risk. Child prostitutes, parents and community
representatives interviewed for this study have drawn attention to this aspect of the issue. The case
of a child prostitute named Jemanesh Tamene (age 17) is worth mentioning in this regard. She said
that she had a one-year baby girl. She is extremely concerned about the future of her little
daughter. Raised by a mother who is a sex worker, Jemanesh cannot imagine her daughter
escaping the possibility of getting involved in prostitution by the time she has grown up. Hence,
Jemanesh intends to quit sex work before her baby is old enough to learn to become a prostitute.
As an alternative, she contemplates handing her over to the custody of her mother who lives in her
home village.
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In sum, common presence, quick entry, and easy money make commercial sex attractive to
vulnerable children in the study community. As such the practice acts as a widely prevalent risk
factor that exposes children to sexual abuse and exploitation.
2.2 Crime and delinquency
Different forms of crime and delinquency are rampant in the research community. These include
theft, robbery, burglary, and physical violence. Such delinquent and criminal behavior is attributed
to common factors such as joblessness, substance and alcohol abuse, and the watching of violent
and pornographic films. Sexual harassment and abuse stands out as a single dominant type of
criminal activity routinely perpetrated by adults and young people alike on children and other
targets. In particular, child girls as well as boys faced constant threat of being raped by individuals
or groups of people. The following statistical data on the number of raped children in Addis
Ketema Sub-City during 2005 to 2008 come from the Addis Ketema Sub-City Police.
Table 3. Reported cases of rape in Addis Ketema sub-City, 2004/5 - 2007/8
Year Sex
Female Male Total
2004/05 53 4 57
2005/06 76 6 82
2006/07 65 6 71
2007/08 66 11 77
Total 260 27 287
Source: Addis Ketema Sub-City Police Department
The above figures do not, however, paint the actual picture of the magnitude of the problem. The
figures represent only a fraction of the rape cases perpetrated or attempted, since a huge proportion
of rape incidents go unreported to the police. The failure to report is blamed on a number of
factors. NGOs and parents involved in the study explained the underreporting in terms of cultural
and economic factors. On the cultural front, families of victims are reluctant to disclose rape cases
for fear of social stigma. Especially is the stigma severe when the rape has been committed by
close relatives such as stepfathers and siblings. Lack of open parent-child communication and not
knowing what the consequences might be contribute to the hesitation of children who are rape
victims to confide in their parents. In situations where fathers or stepfathers are the culprits,
mothers come under pressure not to report and seek legal action for economic reasons. They may
be anxious that the outcome of disclosure and pursuing the case will do the family more harm than
good. Most families cannot afford to lose husbands who are usually the breadwinners through
arrest, despite being guilty of domestic rape.
The findings of the research strongly suggest that the raping of child boys is a phenomenon that is
only beginning to manifest itself. In fact, the raping of male children is a type of criminal behavior
that is more serious than is actually appreciated in the community. This view is shared by a range
of study subjects including parents, CBO representatives, religious leaders, teachers, NGO staff
and police officers.
The information obtained reveals that children who are the victims of rape mostly come from
similar family backgrounds. Accordingly, a large number of rape cases indicate that the child
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victims belong to low income families or single parent homes headed by mothers or older siblings.
Rape victims may also be children who live under the care of guardians. Lack of follow-up,
protection and support is believed to be the main exposing factor. On the other hand, the rapists, in
order to abuse the children sexually, exploit their naivety and inexperience besides the effects of
poverty and inability to defend themselves.
Despite being a growing social menace, the legal action taken against rape is not encouraging.
Indeed, rapists are said to be emboldened by apparent impunity and inadequate response on the
part of the legal system. For similar reasons, victims and affected families are discouraged from
bringing rape cases to the attention of the law. A female legal advisor shared her observations on
the same note:
It is necessary that the full force of the law be used to deal with rapists. At the moment,
child abusers are not brought to book under the pretext that there is no evidence. As a
result, perpetrators are saying “what can the law do to me?” On the other hand, families of
victims decline seeking legal recourse by saying “what will I gain by doing so?”
2.3 Substance and alcohol abuse
Substance and alcohol abuse is widely practiced in the research community by young people in
particular. Child and parent informants, as well as CBO, NGO and GO representatives expressed
that the problem is serious. In the context of the study community, substance abuse refers to the
chewing of khat 11 , and the smoking of shisha and hashish. In regard to street children, substance
abuse also involves the puffing of petrol and the sniffing of glue for the sake of excitement or
suppressing hunger. The major types of alcohol consumed are a range of home-brewed drinks
locally known as tella, tej, and araqe. These alcoholic beverages are sold in ordinary drinking
houses, visited mostly by young people and adults of low income levels.
It is no surprise that addiction and intoxication are the common results of alcohol and substance
abuse. Among other consequences, the practice influences the users toward criminal and
delinquent behavior. Under alcohol and drug influence, young people and others are usually
driven to manifest sexual impulses. The evidence strongly suggests that such indulgence presents
itself as a common risk of sexual abuse to vulnerable female and male children in the area. A
half-orphaned boy, Kebede Alemayehu, age l1 and recently raped, stated:
In our kebele, there are many drinking houses. Moreover, there are a number of khat and
shisha houses. Smoking tobacco is also common. A lot of minibuses are parked in the area.
During their slack hours, the minibus drivers and their assistants heavily engage in these
practices. Under the influence, they deceive unaware children into their cars. One way they
do this is by persuading the children to buy something from the shop. Then they choke and
rape the kids.
2.4 Video houses
The youth culture of spending time at video houses as a form of recreation is proving to be another
common risk of child sexual abuse. The fact that by far a vast portion of the film content consists
of pornographic material has become a particular challenge. In a small crowded neighborhood of
1,973 homes, 99 were used for showing videos (17 operated 24 hours a day), 21 for serving
shisha, seven for selling chat, and numerous others for serving alcoholic beverages. As noted by a
great number of the informants, the young viewers of obscene films sooner or later imitate the
11 Khat, Cathula edulis, is a leafy drug that is chewed with stimulating effects.
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actors, trying to adopt their behavior and styles in real life. As a consequence, they become
tempted to engage not only in early sexual activity, but also in sexual outrage including rape. The
legal advisor mentioned earlier commented:
Video houses are ample in the area, some of them working round the clock. Street children
often spend the night watching films partly to avoid sleeping rough in the open. The films
screened are usually sexually provocative, influencing the behavior of the watching
children so badly that they are tempted to experiment what they have seen on their peers.
2.5 Street business
As the capital’s largest market and centre of the research community, Merkato and its vicinities
bustle with almost every form of business. Yet urban poverty and congestion persist as the
distinguishing marks of this part of the city. As a result, needy families find it to be an absolute
necessity to practice different forms of small business on the street as well as in the house, just to
survive from day to day. Nonetheless, much of the activity done to earn a living is bound to pose
the risks of sexual abuse to children.
2.5.1 Street vending/peddling
The sale of various small consumer items is a common sight in the crowded research
neighborhoods. The things sold include fruit and vegetables, clothing, lottery tickets, roasted and
boiled grain, sweets, cigarettes, tissue papers, and plastic bags. The street vending is done mostly
by children sent out by their poor parents. Children may also do street peddling on their own
initiative, influenced by peers, or asked by other people.
Normally, the children spend long hours, often into the evenings, as they do street
vending/peddling. They may stay in the street at a fixed vending point, or keep moving around to
sell their items including in eating and drinking houses. As they do so, it is no strange an affair for
them to experience sexual harassment or seduction. Some adults exploit the children’s financial
disadvantage and entice them with the offer or promise of money to establish connections and
trust with them. In these situations, particularly child girls find themselves at a high risk of sexual
violence and abuse. In this regard, the story of a young girl named Selamawit Fikre, age 23, is
very illustrative. Although she was highly vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation as a child,
she managed to succeed in her education. Having graduated from the university, she currently
practices law in a government institution. She relates:
I used to sell boiled maize on the street when I was about 12 years old. Of course, street
business involved risks. I met bigger boys who harassed me sexually. Looking back, I
realize that there was a chance for me to have taken the wrong turn and ruined my life.
Many of my friends, who used to work on the street, later dropped out of school and
became sex workers.
2.5.2 Bed renting
A great many families in Addis Ketema neighborhoods eke out hand-to-mouth existence from the
renting of beds in the family house. For this purpose, they partition their dwellings into small
sections. In these partitions, they put up structures that are in the form of double layer wooden
beds to economize on the available limited space and pack into it as many users as possible. Or
they spread on the floor sacks and straw-stuffed mattresses where individuals renting the rooms
for the night are made to sleep next to each other so close that they are forced to lie down on one
side, and can hardly turn around or change position.
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The business of renting beds presents a tremendous challenge to child girls as a risk factor of
sexual abuse and exploitation. Most of the time, young or underage female children are made to do
the job. The children spend a great deal of time in the afternoons and evenings, as they seek
around customers looking for bed. The work generally keeps them late out on the street, often for
as long as past midnight. Oftentimes, this is the time when drunken men walk around and find the
child girls. Tired of waiting for customers out in the cold, the children may even fall asleep where
they sit or stand. Found in this situation, they are the likeliest targets of sexual abuse by drunken
strangers or passersby. In other cases, the girls are caught by street gangsters, who use seductive,
persuasive or forceful tactics to abuse them sexually.
Back home, the girls are not any safer from the risk of sexual violence and abuse. As has been
proven by a number of case materials, they remain vulnerable to sexual abuse by the same people
they have been brought from the street to rent beds. In addition, individuals who have established
themselves as regular or occasional customers exploit their familiarity and accountantship to rape
the children in the house. Regardless of the circumstances surrounding the rape, such sexual
violence generally leads the victims to a life of sexual abuse and exploitation. The case of a
seventeen-year-old named Gezashegn Zeru is selected for its relevance in this regard. She said:
The work of bed renting is full of risks and challenges for children involved in it. As we
look around for customers, we experience sexual harassment and molestation by gangsters
and drunks. Customers also sexually harass us as we walk together to the place of the bed.
After we arrive at the place, many customers try to force us to sleep with them.
2.6 Congestion/over-crowdedness
Congestion is a characteristic of impoverished neighborhoods in Addis Ketema area. A census
conducted in one small neighborhood called '32' reveals that there were 1078 official residential
units and 895 unofficially built/extended houses. Of the total 1,973 homes, only 164 were used for
purely residential purposes, others were partly rented out or used for different activities. In
Merkato, it is common for several families to share the same dwelling. The over-crowding of
dwellings is aggravated by the fact that most poor families rent beds to customers, who usually
bring along prostitutes to sleep with them, adding to the congestion. In such conditions, group and
individual privacy is almost impossible. Worse still, the circumstances increase the risks of child
sexual violence and abuse, perpetrated on children by relatives or bed renting strangers. In such
overcrowding, children sleep while adults practice sex in their hearing. Because of this, children
are tempted to experiment with sex at an early age. Such exposure and influence can result in child
girls adopting a lifestyle that places them at the risk of sexual abuse and exploitation.
2.7 Presence of bus terminal
The presence of the central bus station is a major factor that makes the Addis Ketema area a
crowded and bustling part of the city. For the same reason, migrant rural children are attracted to
stay and work in this surrounding. This is underscored by representatives of child focused NGOs
operating in the Addis Ketema Sub-City. After arrival, the child migrants mostly start work as
domestic servants. In the course of time, they get used to the urban environment and make
contacts with people. Thus, they change to work that offers greater income and better conditions.
The types of work taken as alternatives are usually brewing and serving tea and coffee at khat,
shisha, or video houses, washing, cleaning, and cooking in eating and drinking places, and renting
and arranging beds in households doing this business. But most often, such jobs put the children in
risk environments that expose them to sexual abuse and exploitation.
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According to the informants at the child focused NGOs, brokers facilitate the contact between job
seeking child migrants and prospective employers. The brokers operate around the main bus
terminal and identify the migrants by their appearance. At the start, the brokers deliver the
children to families or businesses that hire them to do jobs largely of domestic nature. But sooner
or later, such kinds of work end up becoming stepping stones for the children to enter into
prostitution.
3. Vulnerable Children and Young People
The main thrust of this chapter is drawing attention to the set of exposing factors that are internal
to, or closely associated with the specific family backgrounds or personal situations of children
that aggravate their susceptibility to sexual abuse/exploitation. In view of this, the points of
analysis pertain to the state of children coming from poor families, broken homes, and female or
child headed households. Factors relating to the children’s situation as migrants or trafficked, and
living on and off the street are also considered. These subjects are treated as individual units of
analysis, despite their overlap with poverty as cross cutting issue.
3.1 Children from poor families
Family poverty is a single major vulnerability factor of child sexual abuse and exploitation. The
bulk of the case material involving interviewed children corroborates this finding. Of course,
individual children involved in prostitution expressed different purposes for doing so. Thus, some
said they wanted to support poor parents or siblings. Others were compelled by the desire to fend
for themselves or obtain the material things that their peers had. A number of children were also
urged by their parents to earn an income for the family in this way. In any case, the underlying
factor that made the children vulnerable to prostitution is family poverty and destitution. The case
of Menbere Demere, age 13, is typical of children forced into commercial sex by family poverty.
She relates:
My father was a low-paid guard. Being a housewife, my mother had no income. In the
house, our parents always argued about financial problems. As a result, there were
misunderstandings and unhappiness. I was upset and disturbed by the difficulties we had. I
wished to do something about the situation. One day, I decided not to return home from
school. I began to spend my time on the street. For one year, I survived on kifela 12
(begging). Then I moved into prostitution. I have been practicing this for two years.
In addition, children from poor families are vulnerable to sexual abuse. Informants such as
parents, community representatives and NGO staff have given accounts of children exposed to
rape because of poverty. As they do street vending or daily labor, it is common for poor parents to
leave their children in the home by themselves, or under the care of neighbors. In these situations,
children become exposed to sexual abuse. The attackers may be the same individuals trusted to
take care of the minors or they may be people who know that there is no one around to watch or
protect them.
Prostitute mothers often allow their children to spend time playing outside late into the night. They
do so to make sure that the children do not watch them practicing commercial sex. These
circumstances increase the children’s vulnerability to becoming sexually abused. The perpetrators
are mostly strangers, gangsters, and adults in the neighborhood. A fieldworker from CHAD-ET
12 In the argot of street children, kifela refers to the act of begging around for money.
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commented: “Children playing around late at night are a common sight in the area. Strangers may
find this to be surprising. Normally, other children (whose mothers are not prostitutes) are safe and
asleep in their homes at this time of night”.
3.2 Children from unstable/broken homes
Besides physical necessities, children want their parents to meet their emotional and psychological
needs. Unfortunately, however, too many families fail to fulfill this fundamental human need for
their children. As a result, countless children live in a home environment where they are not given
love, affection, and sense of security. As the evidence shows, such denial will sooner or later act
as an exposing factor to child sexual abuse and exploitation.
According to the research findings, unstable homes are characterized by marital disharmony,
alcohol abuse by either parent or both, or abusive behavior towards family members. Broken
homes refer to single parent families headed by father or mother alone because of divorce or
decease. Such problems make it difficult for children to feel secure in the home. The pressures
may even be so severe that they force the children to leave home. However, this may only expose
the children to extreme risk processes. Eventually, the children are likely to face the risk of
becoming sexually abused and exploited.
The foregoing is substantiated by the information obtained from IFSO 13 . This is an NGO working
on the prevention of child sexual abuse and the rehabilitation of sexually abused children. The
findings of the NGO indicate that the vast majority of sexually abused children reported to have
come from poor families, broken homes, families affected by serious marital disharmony, and
where one parent or both are alcoholic and/or abusive. According to the statistical data from the
same source, out of the 210 cases of child sexual abuse, only 76 (36.2%) lived with both parents.
The remaining 134 (63.8%) were orphans or semi-orphans, lived with divorced parents, or were
trafficked or migrant children. It can, therefore, be concluded that when children become insecure
because of family disharmony, instability and breakdown, vulnerability to sexual abuse and
exploitation is a likely outcome. The following two cases bear out the forgoing.
Tihun Getachew, age16, shared the following:
My father was alcoholic. He drank so heavily that he spent the income he earned as a daily
laborer on liquor. When he ran short of money to pay for drinks, he forced my sisters to
give him what they had earned by doing small jobs. Not able to cope, my mother, not alive
now, also started to drink. Both of our parents being alcoholic, they stopped caring about
us. As a result, my three elder sisters had to fend for themselves by doing domestic and
similar work. For the same reason, I left home and ultimately became prostitute.
Dagne Aizo, a boy of age 12, is left vulnerable by an alcoholic and abusive father. He relates:
My father came home drunk and late almost every day. In that mood, I was not
comfortable to be around. I also suffered severe beatings in his hands, besides other forms
of mistreatment. He even did not spare any small amount of money I had to spend on his
habit. One day, I found my wooden coin box broken and empty of the money I had
deposited. The one who did it was my father. Moreover, he took from me by force my
weekly wage of Birr 5, only to squander it on alcohol.
13 Obtained from a group interview held with the General Manger, Deputy Manager, and expert of IFSO.
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3.3 Children from child-headed families
The death of parents as a result of AIDS and other causes is leaving an increasing number of
children orphans. Older orphans are thus forced to take over the responsibility of caring for
younger siblings. Because of this, many children have to carry the burden of heading a family.
In this state, the children become vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation, among other risks.
In a bid to get the necessitates of life for themselves and their siblings, they are forced to engage in
various small jobs such as running errands, street vending, and domestic work. As the children do
these jobs, they run a high chance of being sexually abused. Furthermore, there is a possibility of
them directly entering into prostitution. They perceive the practice as a means of earning more
money without much effort. The case of Tihit Mamaw, age 17 and currently recovered, is
interesting and illustrative:
I belong to a child-headed family of six orphans, including myself. Our eldest sister took
care of us. She supported us with the income she earned by making and selling tea. As the
second eldest child, I felt I had an obligation to contribute to the support of our family.
Hence, I was determined to pay a sacrifice. So I decided to practice commercial sex when I
was only 14. To make sure I could do so with anonymity, I moved to Nazareth Town. For
a time, I managed to visit my siblings regularly. I also provided them with cash from my
earnings.
3.4 Migrant/trafficked children
Studies indicate that child girls account for a large portion of the migrant population that continues
to flock from the rural areas to Addis Ababa. Besides, multitudes are trafficked to the capital by
bus and truck drivers, brokers and relatives who reside in Addis Ababa. In addition, children are
trafficked from rural communities by sex workers who migrated to Addis Ababa earlier and return
to their home village on holidays.
Once they arrive at their destination, their dreams and expectations of a better life fail to be
realized. Contrary to their hopes or the promises made by their traffickers, the city offers them
little more than small jobs like domestic service and daily labor. In turn, such types of work often
expose the children to labor and sexual exploitation. It is reported that domestic work in particular
makes the children vulnerable to sexual abuse. Most of the time, the perpetrators are said to be
household heads (husbands), older children in the family, visitors and neighbors. According to a
study report commissioned by Forum on Street Children-Ethiopia (FSC-E) in 2008, a significant
number of migrant children in their early teens work as domestics all around the city. Besides
being exploited as child laborers, these children suffer sexual abuse beyond the notice of the
general public. After experiencing sexual abuse, it is believed that many of these children enter
into prostitution. The case of Haimanot Mebratu, age 14 and orphan migrant from Gonder, is
typical. She narrates:
I was persuaded to migrate to Addis Ababa by a female peer. I accepted what she told me
about the good things we could get in Addis Ababa. I grew up hearing exciting stories
about this city. So I had always wished to move to this place. Upon arrival a certain lady
directed me to a broker’s house. The broker got me hired as a worker at a small hotel. After
two months, I changed work to become a dishwasher at a restaurant. Upon the suggestion
of a fellow worker, I left the restaurant to enter into sex work.
Nonetheless, domestic work is not the only stepping stone to prostitution for rural migrant
children. A large number are picked up by brokers as they arrive at the bus terminal. Then they are
33

delivered to business owning ladies who hire the children to serve drinks at their brothels. It is
reported that in too many instances, the brothel owners get the children sexually abused by their
customers to facilitate their entry into prostitution.
The fate of trafficked children is no different. Still, the number of new arrivals through child
trafficking is said to be on the rise. The statistical data obtained from FSC-E substantiates this
trend. The data comes from the NGO’s Preventative and Support Program against Child
Trafficking, a unit based at the main bus terminal. The statistics obtained is disaggregated by year
and sex. According to this source, the number of trafficked children increased from 213 in 2004 to
972 in 2008.
Table 4. Number of trafficked children by year and sex, 2004-2008
Sex
Year Male Female Total
2004 49 164 213
2005 79 332 411
2006 378 547 925
2007 230 464 694
2008 344 628 972
Total 1080 2135 3215
Source: Child Trafficking Unit, FSC-E
It is alleged that community residents in the Addis Ketema area who come from rural villages
exploit their kinship ties to traffic rural children to Addis Ababa. To this end, they persuade their
relatives in rural communities to send them over their children. They promise their parents that
they will raise the children and give them education. As it often turns out, the relatives instead
make the children work as bar girls or get them to do bed renting. These kinds of work generally
expose the children to sexual abuse and later to commercial sex.
3.5 Street children
Street children are faced with the risks of sexual violence committed by various perpetrators, not
least by fellow street boys. The interview conducted with the representatives of Forum on Street
Children-Ethiopia (FSC-E) underscores the same point. Older street children, some of them
members of criminal gangs, target younger peers who may be girls or boys. Especially, newly
arriving homeless and inexperienced migrant children become easy targets of sexual attack by
senior and violent street boys. Such violent behavior is aggravated by substance abuse, under the
influence of which the predators gang rape their victims. The circumstances in which street
children sleep together are the other factors that cause them to practice group sex and sodomy in
their ranks. Normally, street children sleep in groups on verandas, sidewalks, in street corners and
tunnels under bridges. In order to stay warm, among other reasons, they mostly sleep close
together. Alcohol and substance abuse is common as well among the group as a characteristic of
street life. In these conditions, many are driven to sexually abuse and rape fellow street children.
Furthermore, street children are sexually abused by sugar daddies, drunken people, passersby, and
gangsters. Most often, the abusers find their prey through deception and trickery. They exploit
their poverty and desperation by offering or promising them financial and material gifts. Richer
and older men, referred to as sugar daddies, are particularly said to use such tactics to get the
children into their hands. In this way, they manage to drive the children away with them to a
34

destination where they abuse them sexually. The desire to find a place of stay for the night is
another factor that causes street children to become vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation.
As a result, they negotiate sex for free or at small payments.
3.6 Children living in a state of loose family control
In the opinion of parent informants, constant family attention and follow-up are essential to
ensuring the well-being of children in the face of adversities. On the contrary, loose family control
can have an adverse impact on the prospects of children, as the case of a currently sexually
exploited fourteen-year-old girl illustrates. She reports:
I was raised by my aunt who did not care to control the way I behaved. She ignored the
mistakes I made. She let me go out with my friends and did not supervise where I stayed
and when I got back. There were times when I spent the night outside without her
permission. As for her own children, she kept checking whether they went to school and
did things the way she wanted. Looking back, I think my upbringing is responsible for my
present situation as a child prostitute.
Figure 2. Risks and vulnerabilities to sexual abuse/exploitation in Merkato
Risk Factors
- crime and delinquency
- prevalence of sex work
- pornographic films
- street business
- negative peer influence
- congested residence
- drug/substance abuse
4. Factors Averting Risks of Sexual Abuse/Exploitation
�
Vulnerability Factors
- extreme poverty
- parental death
- family disorganization
- child neglect
- migration to the city
- trafficking to the city
- streetism
Despite the presence of common risks in Merkato in general, and the specific challenges in their
immediate environments in particular, a number of children managed to avoid/evade risks, while
others further triumphed in their lives. In order to understand the reasons behind such child
resilience cases, the interview results of 31 children and young people are analyzed in this section.
Eight of the 31 informants are from the age group 10-13, nine from 14-17, and 14 from 18-24.
Comparatively, more samples were taken from the upper age groups in order to increase diversity
and bring depth to the study.
The 31 informants are considered vulnerable based on the attributes discussed in part 2 and 3
above. Of the total 31, twenty-seven informants reported to be poor; 21 lost one or both parents;
and seven were migrants from the countryside. All lived in neighborhoods where commercial sex
was practiced, pornographic films were screened, alcoholic beverages were consumed, and drugs
(e.g., khat and shisha) were used. Some even lived with family members and/or friends who were
engaged in such activities for a living. Some experienced enticement, intimidation, and/or other
forms of sexual advance. In spite of such odds, all remained resilient because of a combination of
factors discussed under 4.2 below.
�
Exposure to
Sexual abuse and
exploitation
35

4.1 Daily routines of the non-abused
The category named 'vulnerable and non-abused' consists of students (non-formal, primary,
secondary, and tertiary education levels), bed renters, street venders/peddlers, maids, college
graduates, salaried workers, and children neither working nor studying. Some informants engaged
in different activities, while others combined work and schooling. Due to the nature of their works
that require traveling and interaction with other people, bed renters, street peddlers, and some
salaried workers seemed to be more exposed to sexual assault than others. Comparatively, the
risks for the maids, regular students, and home-bound children appeared lower, as they spend most
of their time in safe places, namely, home and school. In this section, two illustrative accounts are
presented to shed light on the relationship between daily routines and resilience to sexual
abuse/exploitation.
Alem Behailu (11) is an orphan who lived alone in a neighborhood where prostitution is widely
practiced; alcohol and certain drugs were openly used; and pornographic videos are screened.
Alem spent her time attending non-formal education, staying at home, and visiting her friends. Her
daily routine does not show engagement in activities that could have exposed her to danger.
I always attend classes [non-formal education] in the morning. Sometimes, I attend the
3:00 pm program. Yesterday, I woke up in the morning, washed my face, prepared and ate
my breakfast, and then I washed my clothes. Then, I cleaned my room and chatted outside
with friends from the neighborhood. In the afternoons, I often go to my old neighborhood.
There is a woman [her late mother's friend] who gives me food. I have friends there. After
their school time, I play with them and return home. Since they invite me to eat and drink
with them, I go there. Sometimes, they give me money. These friends of mine were here
the day before yesterday. One of them brought me Birr 2. They are students. One of them,
with the permission of her parents, sometimes comes here to stay the night with me. She
brings dinner for both of us from her home. When my friend comes, I like to sleep in my
house. In the past, I used to sleep at the house of a neighboring woman. When I slept here
alone, I experienced nightmares.
Abebech Dana (13), an orphan, lived with her grandmother in a neighborhood known for sexual
abuse against girls and boys. She was a student who supported her grandmother in street peddling.
Despite the risks involved in street peddling, the way Abebech's time and work were scheduled
and the way she associated with people helped her avoid the risks.
Yesterday morning, I went to school. In the afternoon, I studied a little and went to the
market to sell injera. At night, we had dinner and studied a little again, and went to bed.
Today, after breakfast, I went to school and sat for several exams - there were four tests. I
did not do much in the afternoon. We canceled our plan to go to the market to sell injera
because of the appointment with you [the researcher].I help my grandmother by selling
injera in the market. I do this in the afternoon. In the morning or late in the afternoon, I buy
firewood for baking the injera and carry the bundles home. I used to help my sister sell
qolo [roasted grain]. Selling injera requires going to the market everyday in the late
afternoon. My grandmother advises me all the time about the dangers awaiting girls. Since
I behave very well, she is not strict on me. I do not go out with people [boys/men]. I have
no boyfriend, and I do not want one. I am young and I will have time for everything in the
future. I do not even have close friends to hang out with. I do not like the behavior of my
age-mates in the school and in the neighborhood; they want to have boyfriends and go to
unnecessary places. I prefer going to the church. On Tuesdays, I participate in the choir
and on Sundays we learn God's words. They also teach us to be careful. In the school, I
36

participate in the Girls Club, where we learn about sexual abuse, early marriage, forced
marriage, unwanted pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases.
4.2 Perspectives of children and young people
4.2.1 Loving and supportive family
Informants noted that loving and caring relationships and the provision of material and emotional
support bring a sense of belongingness and security. 14 Some children pointed to certain family
members as inspirational for providing thoughtful advice or for serving as role models. While
some recognized the role of their fathers and siblings as crucial in forming their personality, most
informants mentioned mothers and grandmothers as the main sources of support and guidance. 15
Family support takes different forms. Some children noted that guidance or encouragement gave
them a sense of direction. In other words, the early parental advice/instruction remained vivid in
the memories of many children and served as guidance. Abdela Jemal, an orphan who lost both
parents, remembered that his mother not only loved him, but also advised him on how to get along
with other kids and avoid trouble. Alem Behailu, another orphan, mentioned that her mother told
her to be careful in choosing friends, to be serious when boys and men approach her, and to work
hard to live a dignified life. Lula Cheneke, who is from a very poor family, always maintained an
optimistic view of life, a quality that he claims to have inherited from his mother and
grandmother.
It is also important to state the role of parents in promoting learning motivation. Maritu recounted
that her late parents inspired her to excel in education as a means to get out of difficult situations.
Tseday (a girl with physical disability) remembered her mother's advice that she could be as
efficient or proficient as able-bodied people if she worked hard in her studies. Children and young
people with high learning motivations spent their time reading books, and this contributed to their
intellectual and moral development, which in turn contributed to their resilience.
Some parents sacrificed personal interests for the sake of their children. When their respective
husbands passed away, Dejene's and Iyayu's mothers dropped out of school and decided not to get
remarried to ensure the welfare of their children. Selamawit Fikre recognized the positive
contribution of her family members, particularly her brother, to her success as follows.
My father was a merchant. He died when I was in grade 1. That was a test of life for the
entire family. My mother faced difficulty in raising us. One of my brothers completed
medicine with difficulty. I am the youngest in the family, and the problem was worse for
me. Around the age of 11 and 12, I was on the street selling boiled maize. At that time, my
brother had already graduated from the university and was working somewhere in the
south. He learned that I was selling boiled corn on the street when he came home for
vacation. He felt very sorry about it and promised to send some money to the family so
that I could concentrate on my studies. He pulled me out of a very dangerous situation. In
Merkato, it is hard to find role models to inspire you. But I have found so many of them
from the books that I have been reading. Through reading, I learned what people are
capable of doing. I rediscovered myself from the books. My brother is also my role model.
14 Of the 31 informants, 23 claim to have come from loving and supportive families. Although the sample is not
statistically representative, the strong correlation between resilience and favorable family environments could not be
reduced to accidental occurrence.
15 It appears that many children in Merkato are raised by single mothers.
37

[He] followed my father's advice [to read books] and excelled in education. I also wanted,
and still want, to be smart like my brother. He has been my role model. Thanks to my
father's efforts and my brothers' determination, I began to read books earlier than many of
my age-mates. Two of my brothers played important roles in getting me into the reading
habit. They used to choose and bring different books for me. The reading habit contributed
immensely to my personality and success in education.
It is equally important to note that some children exhibited resilience despite the absence of love
and support in their families. Dagne Aizo, a migrant from Arbaminch, lived with a violent and
physically abusive father. His mother deserted them because of his father's behavior. Thanks to a
barber who offered to help, Dagne was safe and continued with his education. Imnet Ahmed, a
migrant from Harar, was on ill terms with her father, who was very controlling and physically
abusive. She moved to Addis Ababa with a young baby born out of wedlock. Despite her
desperate economic situation, Imnet preferred bed renting for sex work. Loving and caring
environments were disrupted rendering some children utterly vulnerable. Due to parental death,
Hilina Giday and Dejene Esatu moved from loving and supportive family environment to one that
was quite difficult to bear. In spite of the setbacks, both children managed to remain resilient,
partly drawing on the earlier advice of their deceased and other protective strategies.
4.2.2 Peer influence
Most people want to be connected with others, and thus choose friends who accept them and
whom they also accept. Children like to be with their peers, and peers tend to influence each
other's attitudes, interests, and actions. Peer influence could be positive or negative. Although
some informants avoided association with peers due to perceived negative pressure, the majority
reported to have benefited from healthy peer relationships. Peer pressure motivated some to
succeed or encouraged them to embrace appropriate social behavior. The experiences/advice of
peers helped some to deal with practical problems. Tseday Deme (19, orphan, migrant, and poor)
reported to have developed a sense of purpose and future thanks to her friends who served as role
models and sources of inspiration. She had goal orientation, educational aspiration, and hope in a
bright future. Tseday described the role of peer influence in her educational pursuit as follows:
The positive influence of good friends has been helpful in directing my daily routine along
the right line and keeping me focused. I was closely associated with school friends. I
observed that these friends of mine, who had families to provide them with what they
needed, were purposeful and determined to achieve big results in their education. Their
desire to achieve something for themselves had a powerful positive impact on me. Their
example [exemplar efforts] motivated me to imitate their behavior and adopt a similar
pattern of thinking regarding my performance in school and future plans. I devoted a large
portion of my time to attending school, studying at the library and going to the church.
Many children displayed the ability to locate protective resources (knowledge, experiences,
materials, etc.) at the disposal of peers and other friends. They sought and effectively secured such
resources to deal with challenges that they encountered. Sara (17) lived in a house often rented to
strangers and prostitutes. She explained how her best friend (AZ, a former prostitute) prevented
her from becoming a prostitute.
On the street and in the neighborhood, it is common to be bothered by men. When this
happens, first I tell her [AZ, her friend], 'This guy said this, so what shall I do about it?'
She advised me to be serious. I am closer to her than my family. Since we are age-mates,
38

there is nothing that we hide from each other. The relationship I have with [AZ] prevented
me from becoming a commercial sex worker. She [AZ] was not like this [before she
became a prostitute]. She had a good body [healthy and fit]. She did not want to join
[commercial sex]. I talked to her [about prostitution]. She did not have a good feeling
about it. Thank God she is out of it. I learnt [about the bad side of prostitution] from her
and others.
In some cases, the opinions of the child's peers seemed to carry more weight than those of parents
and siblings. This is mainly because, according to the informants, peers tend to understand the
dreams and concerns of each other more than parents and relatives could possibly appreciate.
Fatima Solana (18), who prefers to handle problems on her own whenever possible, noted that she
shares her concerns with her friends rather than with family members. She stated,
In Merkato, men are the main problems of women. They would insult you. Some want to
fight. Generally, Merkato is a very difficult place for women. from your house to the shop,
you would encounter many things. One would stop you or grab your arm. When you treat
them peacefully, some get angry. Usually I prefer to be silent, think about what happened,
why it happened, how it happened, and if there is anything I could do about it. When there
is a problem, I would tell my friends. I wouldn't talk to my family. I do not tell my brothers
and sisters, who are very close to me. I think that the problem will get worse if I tell them.
What they may suggest as a solution may not be acceptable to me. Therefore, it is better to
discuss with friends who are equal to you.
4.2.3 Personal qualities/strategies
Most children and young people in Merkato (particularly the girls) were aware of the high risks of
sexual abuse/exploitation. Hence, they had to pursue different strategies to protect themselves
against sex offenders. Hilina Giday (14), who was responsible for renting her uncle's 11 rooms
every single day, sometimes stayed late on the street waiting for customers looking for rooms. She
heard that girls engaged in the bed renting business were sexually attacked at night. One of the
problems she repeatedly encountered was the customers' demand and pressure to sleep with her.
Hilina had what resilience researchers call 'critical consciousness' to understand the threat around
her and devise a strategy to overcome it. Moreover, she also had educational aspirations and
achievement motivation. She narrated her encounters and her strategies as follows: 16
I leave the house to look for customers at 7:00 pm and wait outside until all rooms are
taken. Sometimes, it could be over by 8:00 p.m. Sometimes, I may have to stay up until
4:00 am. One of the problems I encountered was customers' request to sleep with me. I
refused. I kept quiet even when they insulted me. There were some who tried to entice and
trick me. For example, they would say, "Baby, come. I will do whatever you want; I will
give you Birr 50, which I wouldn't offer to prostitutes; let me do anything you like to sleep
with you; come, it will not take a minute and your family would never know." However, I
[always] said no. When they asked me to sleep with them, [I replied], "If you want a
woman, I can bring you a prostitute." I heard that most girls are attacked late at night,
when it is dark. I stayed on the street only when there is light. What I want is education. If
I study well, I know that I will succeed through education.
Many girls (e.g., Bizunesh, Senbet, Wongelawit, Hilina, and Kasanesh) reported to have evaded
risks of sexual abuse/exploitation through self-imposed restrictions on physical movement, dress
16 According to the study, Hilina's story represents a typical challenge that most children working at night faced.
39

style, and entertainment. 17 Since certain corners of Merkato at certain times are considered to be
dangerous, the girls reported to be taking precautionary measures such as traveling in groups and
taking alternative routes. Some girls reported to have refrained from wearing short and thin
dresses which are believed to be sexually provocative. There is a growing realization on the part of
many people that alcohol, drugs, and videos (especially pornographic films) have been used to
perpetrate sexual acts against unsuspecting children. Hence, many young girls reported to be
conscious of these traps. Yodit Bentew (12) was a student living with her mother and siblings. The
economy of the family was based on selling boiled grain on the streets of Merkato, and Yodit had
to take part after school hours. Her strategy to avoid an unexpected tragedy was to go to safe
places, deal with dependable customers, and return home before it gets late. She said,
Now, I am 12… I am a student of grade 8. My family makes a living by selling nifro
[boiled grain]… I sell nifro. I do not know when I started it, some two or three years ago, I
guess. I work after school. My mother, my sister, and I sell in different places from 7:00
pm to 9:00 pm or 9:30 pm. Then, we gather where my mother would stay. All of us have
customers, not so far from each other. I sell near Amede [a place], in a house where draft
beer is sold. The owner is a very nice man. He advises me to know myself and avoid bad
things. In that house, the customers are government officials and people with lots of
money. I do not think people who want something else [sex] would go there.
A good number of children and young people displayed the ability to act independently and make
their environment as safe and productive as possible. The common language used by the majority
was 'keeping oneself busy' with a determination to achieve certain goals. Thirteen-year-old Hanko
Tilaye stated, "I keep myself busy by doing homework, playing with friends, or sleeping." Dejene
noted, "Keeping myself busy as a parking attendant, electrician and student has benefited me a lot.
I simply do not have the time to think about engaging in harmful practices. My fellow children
who are idle have to do these things to keep themselves occupied." Fatima, in an elaborate remark
on this issue, said:
One can be protected [against sexual abuse]. Do you know how? First, you convince
yourself. You must have a goal. When you have a goal, you would strive to achieve that
goal than pay attention to other things. But if you are purposeless, you will be paying
attention to what your friends did, what happened in the society, and then you ask yourself,
'How about me?' A friend would come and tell you what she did with her [boy] friend, and
you get jealous. If you have a purpose, you wouldn't care about such talk. The reason I
have not been exposed to sexual abuse is that I kept myself busy. The other source of my
strength is my love of reading. There are things that you learn by reading. Each book has
its own story and a message behind it. Knowledge is acquired by discovering that message.
Street peddlers, bed renters, and commercial sex workers constitute the majority of prey to
potential sex predators. These groups, therefore, often cooperated to protect each other against
offenders. They also operated in close collaboration with the owners of the rental rooms, 18 who
were expected to come to their rescue or call the police when they are in trouble with men. From
this, it is apparent that the resilient children possessed problem-solving skills that involved
networking or mutual cooperation against common threats.
17
For leisure, these girls seem to spend time with family, play with friends, sleep, read novels, write, paint, and take
walks with friends.
18
Some owners are reported to place pressure on the girls to accept the demands of some customers.
40

4.2.4 Religious affiliation and faith
Spirituality seems to serve as an environment that fosters child resilience to adversity. Many of the
informants seemed to follow some kind of religious guidance and frequented places of worship,
while others, including those who rarely visited religious places, mentioned God as the ultimate
protector against sexual predators. For the strictly religious adherents, the notion of sexuality is
something surrounded by fear, taboo, prejudice, shame, and discomfort.
Many informants reported having participated in the Sunday schools of the Orthodox and
Protestant Churches. Lula stated, "From childhood, I have developed a fear of God, which has
been nurtured and strengthened by constant church attendance and Bible reading. Out of devotion
and keen interest to know about other Christian faiths, I discuss the words of God with friends
who are Protestants." Dejene, another informant, noted, "In my belief, religious devotion is a
powerful means of protecting children against risks. When attending the church service, children
are exposed to spiritual instruction and council that exerts a positive influence on their thought and
action. I can testify about this from my own experience." Tseday noted, "The church also has a
role to play in shaping a person’s spiritual life. Usually, I go to Saint Michael's Church where I
listen to spiritual instruction and gain knowledge that helps me to lead my life in the right way."
Benjamin stated, "I was participating in the church. I learnt a lot about life, God's words, and
things that are expected of any Christian. I joined Sunday school and studied ethics and church
secrets, for which I was awarded a certificate."
Kasu Merid, whose story is narrated under 4.2.5 below noted:
When I encounter a problem beyond my control, my first reaction is weeping. I believe
that God brings challenges to test my strength. Whatever happens, no matter how bad, it
could be for good. I believe that my destiny is ahead of me, not behind me. So, I do not
want the past to destroy my future. I am positive about life. Even when something goes
wrong, I think that it is for good. If you are patient and if you do not give in, the bad times
will pass and the good days will come. When I have time, I go to the church to pray and
listen to God's words. By doing so, I learn about good behavior and good manners. I also
save myself from spending time in unnecessary places that could later hurt me.
Religious prohibitions of alcohol, drugs and prostitution and strong cultural values associated with
such prohibitions serve as protective factors. Alcohol is forbidden to the followers of Islam and
Protestant Christianity. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church, which is rather silent on drinking,
prohibits the use of stimulants such as khat and shisha, which are widely used by Muslims.
According to informants, the use of alcohol and drugs tend to make children vulnerable to sexual
abuse/exploitation. Religiosity was recognized to have helped many children avoid alcohol and
substance abuse thereby minimizing such risks. Prostitution is associated with immorality, disease,
and shame; and the prevalence of such perceptions in the family, in the neighborhood, and in
religious institutions have had protective effects.
4.2.5 External support
The protective qualities and strategies of resilient children were enhanced by supports obtained
from external sources that children and young people managed to secure. In this regard, the
contributions of NGOs, church organizations, and individuals were mentioned. Hanko, Benjamin,
Dejene, Tseday, Woynareg, and Maritu explained how the support of CHAD-ET helped them
pursue their lives and goals. Dejene said, "In the worst of cases, I turn to CHAD-ET officials for
assistance and counseling. They usually provided me with the necessary help. They suggested
41

solutions, advised me on how to cope, what to do or where to go for further assistance." Maritu
Wale, an orphan and now a university student, reported how CHAD-ET assistance helped her and
her brother as follows.
[We] survived on the monthly financial support of Birr 100 and provisions in the form of
grain and edible oil from CHAD-ET. Since I have joined Haramaya University, our
neighbors who live next door and who were close to our parents are assisting in facilitating
things for my brother and me. They take care of my brother by receiving the financial and
material support from CHAD-ET and making sure that his needs are fulfilled and that he
attends school regularly. In addition, they also send me money to Haramaya from the
financial assistance provided [by adding] to it a little of their own. They are such caring
neighbors to my brother; they give him the support and follow-up needed to relieve me of
worry and concern about his well-being, [so that I can] concentrate on my studies with
undivided attention.
Some children and young people secured highly needed protective support from other people.
Kasu Merid (17) started to live on the street due to a disagreement with his brother, who brought
him from the countryside at the age of 10. He could have been assaulted and his dreams for
educational attainment would have been shattered had it not been for the critical assistance he
obtained from some people. He said,
The first three days [after leaving his brother's house], I was on the street in the rain
without any food and any clothing. On the third day, my brother's sister-in-law saw me on
the street at night, when she was going home from a small khat shop that she owned. The
next day, she gave me a copy of the key to her khat shop and told me to sneak in the shop
every night to sleep. She trusted me with all her property in the shop. We kept the secret
that I was sleeping in the khat shop for a long time. After leaving my brother's home, I
continued with my education with much greater determination. While I was in the khat
shop, my brother's sister-in-law gave birth. One day, I went to her residence to visit her.
On that day, she had an argument and a fight with her husband, who became violent and
caused her finger to bleed while trying to pull out a gold ring. I confronted him physically,
in her rescue. Because of this, he asked me to vacate the khat shop. Once again, I had no
place to sleep and went back to the street for the second time. This time, I started to sleep
in the school classroom without the knowledge of teachers and the school guards. Later on,
however, the teachers and the guards knew that I was sleeping in the classroom. The
guards allowed me to sleep there without any worry. A Physical Education teacher gave
me his office key to sleep there. The main problem was finding food to eat. There was one
female teacher, who sometimes brought me dinner to school at night. The timing was very
critical because I was kicked out of the khat shop when the time for the 8 th grade national
examination was approaching. The good news was that I continued with my education
until the exam week, sat for the exam, scored a high average, and successfully passed to
the 9 th grade. Next to God, there were some important individuals who helped me get
through the difficult time. Their helping hands extended my hopes and got me to where I
am now.
Workalem learnt during her teens that she is an adopted child. When the son of her adopters made
repeated sexual advances against her will, Werkalem decided to move out and live with a friend.
She stated,
I do not know where I was born. Since they raised me, I consider them relatives. The
reason why I left the house had to do with a heavy workload, the decrease in my school
42

esults, and the pressure from her [the adoptive mother's] son. He used to come to the place
where I slept and take off the blanket. After this happened three or four times, I left the
house, as I thought that he might destroy my life. I knew my friend with whom I now live.
I started to live with her when she said, "I am living alone, we can live together." [Now] I
am not exposed to sexual attack.
4.2.6 Clubs at schools
Schools provided learning opportunities not only through curricular instruction and library
facilities but also through the establishment of different clubs. Many informants reported having
learnt how to protect themselves against sexual offenders by joining HIV/AIDS clubs and/or girls
clubs. Sara Gebremichael (17) recounted, "I worked in a girls’ club, I am a participant [of the
club]. What I learnt there was very useful for self-protection. What I learnt include the reasons
why people get into such problems [sexual abuse/exploitation], details about the development of
human organs, mate selection, and many others." Woinareg (15) stated that she learnt about selfprotection
from CHAD-ET's counseling programs offered every Saturday. She also learnt about
reproductive organs and sexuality as a member of the girls’ club at her school. Other girls, such as
Abebech, Yodit, and Kasanesh learnt about sexual abuse, early marriage, forced marriage,
unwanted pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases at school.
Some schools have mini-media through which students are given advice of various kinds or are
informed about, among others, certain precautionary measures. Few informants also indicated that
the mass media helped them learn about the risks of sexual abuse and exploitation and the
strategies to avoid them. According to Dejene Esatu, for example, "Listening to the radio and
reading newspapers are among the good habits that have proved to be protective. Through these
media, I have been able to keep myself informed about factors that can expose children to
dangerous behavior and its consequences. As a result, I have learned to be cautious and watchful
of anything that can pose a threat or put me at risk."
4.2.7 General precaution
Some children developed protective habits/qualities without knowing the existence of risks of
sexual abuse/exploitation. All grown up boys included in the sample noted that as children they
were unaware of risks of male sexual abuse. The 13-year-old Hanko Tilaye did not know about the
sexual abuse of boys during the research time. He avoided the risks by taking precautionary
measures for other worries. He noted,
Theft is a major problem in our neighborhood. Houses are broken into and property stolen.
The gangsters rob children when they are sent to shops to buy things. Walking alone is not
safe for children and girls. We do not go out at night. I heard that girls are sexually abused
in other neighborhoods. Sometimes, those coming from the countryside are sexually
abused by people who promise to find them jobs. I never heard about boys being abused. I
never thought that there was a risk of being sexually abused because I did not know that
something like that existed.
4.3 Perspectives of parents, community figures, and NGOs representatives
4.3.1 Perspective of parents
All parents interviewed for the present study agreed that personality development of children starts
in the family environment. However, whatever behavioral traits acquired in the family may be
43

shaped and reshaped when the child walks into the outside world. Most recognized that because of
poverty and tremendous challenges outside of the family, parenting has become a difficult task.
All parents involved in the study were extremely bitter about the leniency of authorities towards
alcohol/drug/substance abuse among the youth, the wide distribution and display of obscene
materials (uncensored pornographic films), suspected sex offenders, organized urban gangsters,
and human traffickers. A strict measure against these challenges is believed to reduce incidences
of sexual abuse/exploitation significantly.
On the issue of parenting, different parents raised different views and concerns. Some stressed
that, despite the presence of external challenges, parents could still do better to protect their
children. The following comment by Iyayu's mother touches on issues raised by many parents.
A wheat seed dies to bring life to another seed. Parents should sacrifice to save their
children. There are things beyond our control. For example, we cannot control the
movement of drugs and the kinds of videos shown in video houses. However, we can
advise our children; give them love and all the assistance they need; make them our
priorities. Physical punishment or scolding does not work. It makes them liars and
secretive. If you want your children to open up, you should be the role model. The problem
is that there are many children without an adult figure in the family. There are migrants.
Such children need NGOs or government assistance.
For parents whose children were sexually abused or exploited, the ordeals were unexpected and
dramatic or complex and uncontrollable. A father whose son was raped by a man said, "My son’s
experience is hard to believe and imagine. No one would have conceived that he would have been
subjected to such a cruel and immoral act. Otherwise, I would have taken every possible measure
to prevent [it]." According to a mother of another victim (a boy), "I believe that I am raising my
children with the utmost care and attention. It is only one, of my five children, who became a
victim. It never occurred to me that such a thing would befall him." Both parents became vigilant
after the devastating incidents that they had never expected to happen. A mother of two female
commercial sex workers and one street boy explained how difficult it was for her to command
respect from, and discipline, her children. The fact that she was poor and a prostitute made it much
more difficult for her to protect them. She reported:
I have taken serious measures to prevent the girls from becoming prostitutes and the boy
from living on the street. I tried to advise them over and over again. It did not work. I
scolded them. It did not work. I used physical punishment. That never worked, either.
There was nothing that I did not try to save my children from danger. The problem is that I
cannot command moral power to advise my children on ethics and cultural values. They do
not listen to me. They ask: who are you to tell us what to do? My 14-year-old daughter has
attended counseling programs. However, she did not stop commercial sex work.
Another view came from a guardian of a migrant girl. The informant explained why she failed to
stop the girl from commercial sex. She noted, "I tried to advise her to try jobs other than
prostitution. But other jobs require a guarantor and the HIV/ADIS test. She did not have a
guarantor, and nor did she want to take the HIV test. On the other hand, prostitution does not
require any condition."
Parents were asked to characterize the quality of resilient children or factors that helped children
remain resilient to sexual abuse/exploitation. According to lists obtained from different parents,
resilient children are those who care about themselves, have a purpose/goal, respect parents, listen
44

to adults, have a few good friends, frequent the church, read books, come from loving/supportive
families, love education, are patient and tolerant, have self-confidence, are raised in families that
are less controlling, have personal strength, are conscious and quick minded, have the courage to
discuss matters openly, are under close family supervision, are not poor, and are born lucky. Most
parents mentioned positive family roles, goal orientation of children, positive peer influence,
learning motivation, and religious affiliation as the key factors.
4.3.2 Perspectives of NGOs and community representatives
Community and NGO representatives were also asked about the characteristics of resilient
children. What they mentioned as protective factors were consistent with those outlined by
children and parents. Like the parents, many representatives of NGOs and communities
complained about the lack of political commitment and weaknesses in the legal system to
clampdown on sex offenders; the failure of the neighborhoods to be vigilant; and the feeling of
shame that discourages victims and their families to report sex offenses. Many noted that the
traditional protective mechanisms have been eroded and that many community level institutions
rarely addressed the problems of sexual abuse and exploitation. A priest stated, "I shall admit the
fact that the church does not have a special program designed to address sexual abuse and sexual
exploitation. We shall work on that front in the future." Regarding a solution, the community
representatives maintained a unanimous view that all should join hands to protect children. The
comment of Paul sums up the views of most informants:
Parents in Ethiopia do not share information with children. The usual tendency is to scold
and punish them rather than discuss with them openly and advise them. Communities do
not seem to worry much about sexual abuse/exploitation taking place in the
neighborhoods. This has to change. People should not wait to react until the problem
knocks at their doors. Some religious institutions encourage multiple marriages. Some
discourage the use of condoms. If a poor man has several wives and several children, you
can imagine the difficulty awaiting such families and children. So, religious institutions
should teach that those people who do not have the resources to raise their children
properly should not have many children. At school, there are teachers who think that their
responsibility is to read books for students. Teachers should play important roles in
positively influencing the behavior of children.
The informants also raised commendable initiatives/developments. On the positive side, they
recounted the establishment of new initiatives designed to provide protection to children. For
example, a Deputy Chairman of a community-based organization acknowledged that NGOs have
programs to support poor families, thereby reducing the vulnerability of children; schools have
girls’ clubs and anti-AIDS clubs to fight, among others, sexual abuse/exploitation; and some idir
organizations contribute funds monthly to provide children from poor families with school
uniforms and supplies. This view was consistent with a comment of an NGO director, who stated
that government enactment of laws pertaining to child rights/protection, the sensitization activities
of girls' clubs, and the support provided by NGOs to individuals, families, and communities have
been helpful. Some of the informants representing NGOs indicated their current and/or planned
projects designed to address the issue of sexual abuse/exploitation.
4.4 Intra-category differences and similarities
Informants between 10 and 24 years old were divided into three age groups (10-13; 14-17; and 18-
24) with anticipation that they might differ from each other in their experiences and capacities to
45

deal with risks of sexual abuse/exploitation. However, the study does not reveal unique features
that correspond to the three age groups. Instead, a number of differences and similarities between
younger children and grown-ups were observed. Regarding the similarities, almost all informants
have knowledge about sexual abuse/exploitation, although a few appeared not to know about
sexual attacks against boys. Most mentioned names of family members, relatives, friends, or
fellow residents recently or currently subjected to sexual abuse/exploitation. Second, the
overwhelming majority of children and young people in this category were not using addictive
substances such as khat, shisha, cigarettes, and alcoholic beverages. It is important to underline
that these substances are believed to increase vulnerability to sexual attack. Third, most of the
informants mentioned the role of the family or certain members of the family as having a
protective effect. Some also recognized the help of relatives, friends, teachers, and school clubs.
The study revealed age-based intra-category differences as well. First, the older groups (15+)
mentioned that the media, books, and the social environment (e.g., expectations of community,
religion, etc.) influenced their behavior and/or broadened their horizons. The effects of the media,
reading, and social expectations were not felt by smaller children. Second, when asked to express
their aspirations, the smaller children mentioned professions that are highly valued in society
and/or those directly relevant to practical social problems that they witness (e.g., medical doctor).
On the contrary, the aspirations of the grown-ups were rather measured and realistic, and most of
them admitted to have changed their wishful thoughts as they grew up and discovered their
limitations. For example, Imnet Ahmed (19) reported abandoning her old dream of becoming a
medical doctor in favor of an achievable goal - becoming a merchant. In order to realize her new
dream, Imnet reported she is saving Birr 200 to 300 per month.
Third, regarding protection against sexual attack, the smaller children believed that they could
avert risks of sexual abuse by avoiding laughing, cuddling, and talking to boys/men. Hence, they
appeared overconfident and dismissive of possible future assault. Yodit Bantew (12) is one of the
overconfident girls engaged in street vending. She said, "So far, I have not encountered anything. I
do not send wrong signals [to men]. It all depends on how you behave. [The problem is] when you
laugh/smile at their provocative talk." Maritu Birru (13) believed that cuddling and playing around
with boys/men can expose girls to sexual abuse, and she said she refrains from these acts to avoid
the risk. Hilina Giday (14) stated that she does not think she will encounter [sexual assault] in the
future because she returns home on time and refuses men's requests to sleep with her. The smaller
children's idea of risk and protection seem to have been shaped by the crude family instructions
that they should protect themselves by keeping distance from boys/men and the erroneous societal
tendency to blame the victim.
The older groups on the other hand, believed that any woman can be attacked at anytime, and it
takes more than behavioral reservation to prevent sexual assault. Gezashgn Zeru (17) who serves
tea in a neighborhood video screening room, stated, "Although I did not conclude that it will
happen, I ask myself that what if it [rape] happens to me? I get scared. Working in a video room is
difficult because it is crowded with adolescents. I do not want to work here [video room] forever."
Imnet (19), noted, "I experienced [rape] attempts in the past. I am worried that I could be attacked
in the future because of the nature of my work and the place I sleep at night. The owner of the
rental rooms [if offered money] could conspire with the customers to get me into an abusive
situation." Selamawit Fikre (23), said, "I might be attacked by someone, someday, and
somewhere. Rapists are not always strangers. They do not necessarily go for younger girls or
single women. I think all women face the risk."
46

5. Recovery from Sexual Exploitation
5.1 Reflections of recovered young women
As indicated earlier, people want to belong to a community. The need for belongingness seems to
increase when one feels isolated, rejected, lonely, and distanced from familiar environments. As it
seems, vulnerability and desperation tend to force some children and young people to accept views
that they would otherwise reject or question under ordinary circumstance. In other words, out of
frustration, due to negative peer influence, for reasons beyond their control, and sometimes with
honorable intentions (e.g., to help family), some children engage in risky behavior such as
commercial sex work. While some continue with their engagements in such risky behavior, others
manage to pull themselves out of exploitative situations. This section examines the recovery of 10
young women from commercial sex work. Most informants reported that different factors
impaired their judgments about the risks involved in their activities. Poverty and family problems
were mentioned as the main reasons behind their decisions to become sex workers. Moreover,
prior rape experiences and negative peer influence activated their risk-taking potentials. The
following discussion focuses on factors that led to recovery, strategies employed, turning points,
support obtained, and relapse experiences/worries.
5.1.1 Motivation for recovery
Although they expected material betterment, none of the ten informants liked sex work. All of
them considered it a shameful, degrading, and risky activity. Many soon realized the gap between
their pre-entry expectations (e.g., material betterment, freedom, etc.) and the reality that awaited
them on the ground (e.g., abuse, exploitation, humiliation, isolation from loved ones, health risks,
etc.). Therefore, some of them thought of the idea of quitting rather early, though the actual
process of recovery demanded time for material, social, and psychological preparation. The
underlying desire to quit commercial sex work was the need to disengage oneself from an activity
surrounded by social stigma, health risks, and different forms of abuse/exploitation.
Some informants (such as Amenech, Azenegash, Saba, and Atsede) decided to quit sex work due
to certain health problems they had and/or major health risks they feared. As soon as she left home
because of poverty and disagreement in the family, Azenegash Fedlu's (15) friends (prostitutes)
rushed her into commercial sex work in less than 48 hours. Azenegash gave up this risky business
after one year and returned home when she was diagnosed with a kidney infection. She said, "I left
the business [sex work] because of sickness. When I went to the health station, I was told that I
had a kidney infection. Then, I decided to stop the business and return home." She believed that
sexual intercourse exacerbates kidney wounds. The 18-year-old Saba Garuma became a sex
worker out of economic desperation and lack of a place to stay following the death of her mother.
She decided to give up sex work due to health problems that made it difficult for her to wait for
customers on the street. Saba added that her current boyfriend's (former customer) insistence to
stop prostitution and live with him as partners partly influenced her decision. Atsede Esatu (18),
who came from Fiche town, north of Addis Ababa, in search of a job as a maid, started
commercial sex work after her employers refused to pay her salary for three months. Prostitutes
living in the neighborhood encouraged her to join the business rather than work as a maid for free.
She quit due to sickness and fear of HIV/AIDS. As indicated in Section 2, Amenech (18), who
started domestic work for a living, was raped twice before she became a prostitute and once
afterwards. She quit the sex work when her health situation deteriorated due to HIV/AIDS. She
47

stated, "Now I stopped the business. It is not good for those with HIV. It makes one weaker. I was
told that sex is not good. I experienced pain after every sexual intercourse: exhaustion, trouble
with my knees, internal discomfort, and headache."
Four informants (Tihit, Tigat, Tizita, and Aziza) reported quitting sexually exploitative situations
due to a lack of interest and worries about various risks. As discussed earlier, Tihit (17), started
sex work at the age of 14 to help her elder sister, who was responsible for raising five younger
siblings upon the death of their parents. Tihit was unhappy with sex work. After five months into
the business, she started to seriously think about the risks. One day, she thought of going to the
Middle East to work as a maid rather than staying in the risky activity. Tihit recounted,
I was in the business for five months. Afterwards, I could not bear it…. There were lots of
problems. On the one hand, I did not want my brothers and sisters to run hungry. On the
other hand, I was worried of losing my life. I did not want to die claiming that I was
helping my family. At one moment, I thought of asking my relatives to send me [cover the
visa and transportation cost] to an Arab country. I volunteered for an HIV/AIDS test with a
plan to ask them to send me to an Arab country if the result was negative, and remain a
prostitute if it was positive. When I took the test, you never know God's will, I was free
[the result was negative]. Luckily, I got the visa [to Dubai] within a month.
Tigat Zerihun (18), who lost her father as a child, was sent to Addis Ababa (by her brother to work
and generate income) at the age of six or seven. After working as a dishwasher in a restaurant in
Addis Ababa, she returned to the countryside to live with her mother and uncle. However, she was
re-sent to Addis Ababa to live with her aunt. She could not live at her aunt's home, as she was on
bad terms with her cousins. Out of desperation and negative peer influence, Tigat joined the world
of commercial sex, which she hated and soon abandoned. Worries of HIV/AIDS infection and
advice from another friend (a former prostitute) highly influenced Tigat's decision to stop
practicing commercial sex. Tigat stated, "I started business when I was 15/16. While practicing it,
I quarreled with my friend [who swayed her to sex work]. When you realize that the work is
awful, you complain. I complained to her, we quarreled. Finally, I decided to stop. I had no
intention [to become a prostitute]. When friends push, you get into it, hoping for better."
Tizita Ayalew (18), who had left home due to an argument with her brother following the death of
her mother, became a prostitute at the age of 17 out of desperation. She recovered after six or
seven months into the business. Customers' demands to have sex in unnatural styles and without
condoms, among others, discouraged her from pursuing the business. Aziza Kenedy (18), who
came from the countryside due to a minor argument with her father, started life in Addis Ababa as
a dishwasher. Three months later, she became a commercial sex worker. She got tired of it and
abruptly quit after two years in the business when she was offered a bed-renting job.
Hiwot Getamesay (20) who started sex work to help her brothers complete their studies, decided
to stop after accomplishing her mission. Although her family kicked her out because of her
engagement in the 'shameful activity,' she continued to send money to prevent her brothers from
dropping out of school due to poverty. The time they finished their studies coincided with three
other developments that facilitated her determination to quit. First, one of her best friends saved
Birr 3000, disengaged herself from sex work, and left for the Middle East to work as a maid.
Before she left for the Middle East, her friend arbitrated between Hiwot and her family to ensure
their reunion. Second, two other friends of Hiwot's (sex workers) suffered major injuries during
fights with customers: one lost her eye and the other sustained a broken tooth. Hiwot took this as a
48

divine warning to her. Third, she was accepted by CHAD-ET as a peer educator (for which she
was paid Birr 75/moth), given skills training, and hired as a staff member of the organization.
5.1.2 Strategies employed/steps taken
Two former sex workers (Aziza and Tizita) recovered without prior plan and preparation. This is
because they enjoyed opportunities and support that they never knew, received, or considered
important. Aziza disengaged herself from commercial sex work the day she was accepted by
Naod, a young man who has a small NGO dedicated to supporting the recovery of prostitutes.
Likewise, Tizita quit the day she got the bed-renting job.
For others (such as Tihit, Tigat, and Hiwot), however, the recovery experiences represented a well
thought-out and step-by-step process. Tihit's plans involved step-by-step actions: taking an
HIV/AIDS test to know if she was free of the virus; confronting her uncle about her sex work
story head-on and challenging him with a request to cover the cost of her trip to the Middle East;
quitting sex work and going abroad. The plan worked for her. Tigat needed five months from the
day she decided to stop sex work. This is because she did not have any alternative means of
livelihood to fall back on. While practicing sex for a living, she started to sell boiled potatoes. In
the course of the five months, she managed to secure dependable customers to buy her potatoes
and other items. Then, she quit. Tigat recounted,
What you see after entering [commercial sex work] is not good. You could get pregnant
when the condom breaks, and then you would suffer more as a single mother. I decided to
quit and survive by selling qolo [roasted grain]. Thank God, selling potatoes is good. I did
not quit the business [sex work] immediately after deciding to start this work [selling
potatoes]. While selling potatoes, I was practicing sex for money, as I had to pay house
rent. Now, I stopped [the sex work]. What else do you need, if you can pay house rent and
fill your stomach? In the past, my dream was to be a merchant, to sell things on the street. I
started to cook potatoes near the house I rented. It took some five months [to quit sex
work]. Quitting was very difficult. For the time being, you would think about the money
[needed to live]. It took five months because the potato business, until people got used to
it, did not have a market. Since there was house rent and the cost of food [to be covered], it
was necessary to stay [in commercial sex business] until the [potato selling] business was
established.
Hiwot's strategy to get back home was also a step-by-step move. First, she started to visit her
family more frequently than ever before, in order to reestablish an emotional connection. Second,
she sent elders (arbitrators) from the neighborhood and her friend to convince her family to let her
return home. Although the negotiation lasted for about six months, her efforts paid off in that the
family accepted her. Azenegash had difficulty in deciding to quit sex work. Originally, she left her
family partly due to poverty, which remained the same by the time she was considering quitting.
She was worried not only about the poor quality/quantity of food at home, but also about her
addiction to khat and cigarettes. Moreover, she had to make sure that her family was willing to
accept her return home. Her elder sister conveyed her message that she was sick and determined to
quit sex work. The family received her back. Later on, her parents asked her to take an HIV/AIDS
test, and the result was negative. Mekdelawit (14), who left home around the age of nine due to an
argument with her mother, became a prostitute after a while. She quit the business when Naod
accepted her in his temporary shelter for recovering sex workers.
49

5.1.3 Turning points
Entry into commercial sex work and quitting the profession may be explained in terms of causal
factors and turning points that mark the transition from good-to-bad and bad-to-good. The ten
recovered former commercial sex workers shared their experiences about moments or events that
turned their lives around for better or worse. This section discusses specific moments that
triggered the descent of these young women into abusive/exploitative situations and those that
motivated or facilitated their recovery.
a) Starting sex work
The ten young women lived in family environments with parents, siblings, and/or other close
relatives. The transition from a family environment to the world of sex work may be discussed at
two levels: the decision to leave home and that to become a prostitute. The study reveals that five
of the ten informants (Amenech, Aziza, Mekdelawit, Tigat, and Tizita) left their homes because of
disagreements/quarrels with family members. Although the individual stories are different, lack of
patience/understanding and failure to resolve family matters peacefully led to adverse situations.
Amenech's father asked her to leave when she tested positive for HIV/AIDS. Aziza regretted
leaving her family over a minor problem with her father, who behaved difficult when he got
drunk. Mekdelawit left home after a furious argument with her mother over an allegation by her
teacher that she was cuddling with boys in the school. Mekdelawit denied the allegation and left
home out of fear and anger. Tigat lived with very loving and caring aunt, but she decided to run
away because of disagreement with her cousins. Like with many others, the experience of Tizita
reveals how frustration built up over long period culminated in a decision that adversely affected
her life. She explained how she left home and started sex work as follows.
I do not know my father. My mother raised me. She has a son from another man. Now, my
mother is not alive. I could not live in harmony with him [her brother]. He got married in
the house [that belonged to both]. We could not be in harmony, we quarreled often. When
he started to beat me up, I eventually got angry and left the house. Then, I had no place to
pass the night. With some money that I had, I found accommodation. When the money was
finished, I stayed a night on the street. Then, I started the business.
Three informants (Azenegash, Hiwot, and Tihit) left their homes mainly due to economic reasons.
As discussed under 5.1.1 above, Hiwot and Tihit claim to have planned to take the risk and
sacrifice to support their siblings, while Azenegash abandoned her home without any clear plan.
The remaining two informants (Atsede and Saba) left their homes for different reasons. Atsede
was sent by her family to work in Addis Ababa (as a maid), while Saba was kicked out of a rental
house when her mother (the breadwinner) died.
Except for Hiwot and Tihit, the eight recovered young women did not leave their homes to engage
in sex work. The study shows that six (Atsede, Azenegash, Aziza, Tigat, Saba, and Tizita) had no
intention to become prostitutes. However, they were swayed into the profession and coached by
friends, neighbors, and acquaintances, who were themselves prostitutes. After leaving their homes,
it appears, these young women got disoriented, frustrated, and sought advice from the wrong
people. Amenech started sex work because of heavy pressure from her employer and co-workers
in a local bar. Azenegash's experience, which could be considered typical, illustrates that entry
into sex work is rather fast and easy.
I started business on my second day after leaving home. I started it at age 13 and stopped at
14. I got into it through my friends. They convinced me to work with them. We stood on
50

the street, with makeovers and wearing cosmetics. A man approached me and asked how
much I charge. I told him, 'Birr 20 for short [one round] and 40 for all night.' The man
agreed, and we went to a room. My friends were looking out for me in case the guy tried to
hurt me. In the room, he asked me to drink some alcohol, and I declined. I told him that it
was my first time and the drink could make me sick. He tried to convince me. Then he
ordered beer to the room and we started drinking. I repeated that it [sex work] was my first
time. He was a good man. He gave me the money and allowed me to go home. My friends
were happy and I stood on the streets, waiting for more business. Some other guy came
along and I asked Birr 25 for short. He agreed and asked to find a bed [room]. I took him
to my neighborhood. He paid for short and for the bed. He wanted me to sleep with him
again. I told him that he needed to pay another Birr 25. I made Birr 90 and I was
encouraged. Then we went out into the street. One of our friends went for a short, but took
a long time. We all went to her room. There was some kind of dispute. We told the man to
go or we would beat him up. We all carried razor blades to use in case of trouble. He went
away and we went to Merkato Hotel, and started to drink beer. [There] we all got
customers and went out for overnight.
b) Quitting sex work
Many informants noted that certain moments triggered their decision to abandon prostitution.
Tihit, who left home to practice prostitution in Nazareth to help her family, stopped sex work on
the day she was tested negative for HIV/AIDS. She noted, "I was disgusted by the business the
moment I was declared free [of the virus]. I stayed for one week [without engaging in sex work],
during which my friends covered my expenses. I decided to return home. My friends gave me Birr
20 to cover the transportation back to Addis Ababa." The good news about the test result marked
the turning point for Tihit. Ironically, bad news about health status also turned the life of
Azenegash around. A diagnosis of a kidney infection triggered her decision to quit sex work. The
first time she got sick, she did not care much about her health. She resumed sex work as soon as
she got well. During her second visit to the hospital, she was diagnosed with a kidney infection,
and was told that sexual intercourse would exacerbate the infection. Azenegash believed that the
sex work caused the infection, and decided to quit the business right away.
Tizita wanted to quit sex work due to the multiple risks involved. However, she did not know
when and how to stop. It was her violent encounter with a strange customer that made her decide
on quitting the business suddenly and take up a job as a bed-renter. She said,
I met him [a customer] on the street near Daniel Hotel. He asked me to drink with him and
reserve a room at Daniel Hotel. However, we rented a room from a private owner in my
neighborhood. He paid, and when we were about to make love, I saw him tearing the
condom. When I asked what he was doing, he said that he does not like it. I told him that I
had been careful so far, and that I could not have intercourse without [condoms]. Then he
choked me and I struggled hard. The owner of the house arrived with a stick [to her
rescue]. The owner's sister, who was living in the house, also came. We could not outpower
him. The police arrived and as we all walked [to the police station], they were
punching and scolding him. When we arrived at the police station, he showed them an ID
card. He was a police officer. Then, they [the police] asked, 'How could you dare to go to
that neighborhood?’ When I was expecting them to take a legal measure against him, they
warned him not to go to that neighborhood again and set him free. I was disappointed and
decided to quit [sex work]. I was crying. An old woman inquired what had happened to
51

me. Upon learning the story and my desire to quit, she asked if I was interested in bedrenting
work. I said yes and started the job.
5.1.4 Support obtained
Support obtained from family members, friends, and/or NGOs played vital roles in inspiring,
encouraging, facilitating, and consolidating recovery from sexual exploitation. Many informants
reported to have obtained assistance in the form of ideas, encouragement, funds, materials, and/or
training. The financial or material support gave them economic security, at least in terms of
meeting their immediate needs. Assistance extended in the form of sponsorship for education,
skills training, and trip to the Middle East addressed their worries about the future. The very act of
considering commercial sex workers for some kind of assistance elevated their self-esteem and
reassured their social relevance. Those who received support (especially assistance from NGO)
felt connected to and accepted by the society.
Seven of the ten informants have not been reintegrated into their respective families. Neither have
they received any family support. Three informants (Azenegash, Hiwot, and Tihit), however, have
been reintegrated and received different forms of support from their respective families. For
example, Tihit's travel to Dubai was covered by her uncle and her elder sister, who contributed
Birr 5000 and Birr 2000 respectively.
Seven informants reported receiving assistance from their friends as follows. Tigat mentioned that
her friend (former prostitute) supported her recovery process through advice and by providing a
helping hand in her potato business. Aziza indicated that her friend's (a student) advice and
encouragement to give up sex work influenced her decision to quit. Tizita was thankful to an old
woman who offered her a bed-renting job on the day she had a trouble with the police officer.
Tihit received financial and moral support from her friends (commercial sex workers) from the
day she was tested negative for HIV/AIDS to the day she left Nazareth town, a week later. Hiwot
acknowledged her friend (ex-prostitute) for serving as a role model and for facilitating her reunion
with her family. Saba's decision to abandon sex work was partly influenced by her boyfriend's
strong desire to see her quit. Azenegash stated that she would not have pulled herself out of sex
work had it not been for her friend's (a prostitute) offer to cover certain expenses. She explained,
I went to my friend and told her that I had no khat, no money, and that I was frustrated and
wanted to return [to sex work]. She promised to give me Birr 10 a day for my addictions.
'Birr 1 for cigarette and Birr 9 for khat is enough,' she said. She made me stop thinking
about going back to the streets. My family would not take me back had I left a second
time. She convinced me not to do it. She told me that I could have breakfast and lunch with
her and chew khat with her. Then, I went back home. She is still doing ‘business’. She
warned that I would die if I restarted sex work. So, I stopped.
Four informants recognized the contributions of NGOs to their recovery. Tizita was lucky to have
met Zemi, a businesswoman dedicated to supporting recovering prostitutes through education and
skills training. Accordingly, Tizita received support to continue with her education. Zemi asked
Tizita to contact and list prostitutes willing to quit sex work and take up formal education or skills
training. She said, "While working as a bed renter, accidentally, I met Zemi and I told her that I
wanted to continue with my education. She supported me and now I am in grade 8 at school. Zemi
encourages me by giving clothing. When I complain about hardships, her workers also give me
money so that I do not return to the previous work." Aziza was also supported by Zemi. She
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eceived training in hair dressing. Mekdelawit linked her decision to stop sex work to being
accepted by Naod's shelter for recovering prostitutes. She was into the business until the day she
was accepted to the shelter.
The effect of NGO support on Hiwot deserves special mention. Her involvement in CHAD-ET (as
a peer educator, skill trainer, and staff) was crucial in terms of preventing relapse. Working for
CHAD-ET, as a regular staff, boosted her self-esteem and social acceptance in the family and the
neighborhood. As a peer educator, she was proud to be of help to others. In the future, she wants
to help children in exploitative situations. She noted,
Now I make a monthly salary of Birr 300. There is pleasure in knowing that people treat
me like a salaried employee. I feel contented when I dress up and go to work in the
morning and get home at dusk. My parents and my brothers greet me in and out of home,
calling me by my nickname. It is a gratifying thing to get recognition. My objective is to
help girls and grown-up women in this kind of life get out, as I have seen the ugly face of
it. I had suffered terrible discrimination. I know the stigma attached to commercial sex
workers by the community. I want to teach young girls how to break out of this habit. I
want to be a change agent.
5.1.5 Relapse incidences and worries
The recovery experiences of seven informants were fairly smooth in that none of them reported
major challenges in quitting sex work, incidences of relapse, and/or worries about their future.
However, two informants (Amenech and Hiwot) reported to have experienced relapses, while one
informant (Azenegash) appeared uncertain about her future. Amenech experienced four relapses.
She stopped sex work when she got sick and resumed whenever she recovered.
Upon deciding to quit, Hiwot sent elders to convince her family to accept her back. It took her
family six months to accept her request. In the meantime, Hiwot continued to sleep with men for
money. She continued to see her old customers even after returning home and while working as a
peer educator. She used the CHAD-ET work as an excuse to stay overnight. According to Hiwot,
detaching oneself from habits such as sex work [especially from] regular customers presents a
very difficult challenge.
Azenegash's life was full of despair. Poverty remained a major challenge in her family, and she
was often on bad terms with her siblings. It was not clear whether she wanted to stay with her
family or in Addis Ababa, for that matter. For some reason, her dream to go to the Middle East to
work as a maid appeared a remote chance. She also mentioned about going to the regional towns
in Ethiopia to work as a sex worker - a disturbing revelation of possible relapse in the future.
5.1.6 Daily routines of recovered young women
Of the ten recovered young women, four (Atsede, Azenegash, Aziza, and Tizita) were engaged in
bed renting and three (Amenech, Saba, and Tigat) in petty trade/street vending. Hiwot seemed to
earn relatively more than most others as she worked for CHAD-ET as a regular employee and
engaged in bed renting on a part-time basis. Tihit seemed to be in a much better financial position
for she saved money in the Middle-East by working as a maid. Mekdelawit was enrolled in
regular school with the help of an NGO and her mother. Although the daily incomes of the bed
renters and street vendors were significantly lower than their earnings as sex workers, all but
Azenegash expressed strong determination not to slide back to prostitution. The daily routines of
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two informants are presented below to show a glimpse of their lives, the social environment in
which they operated, and the ups-and-downs they experienced.
Tizita, who was happy with her new life, operated under busy daily schedule. She said:
Zemi [a business woman who supports recovering prostitutes] asked me to list the names
of commercial sex workers who would like to quit like me. She gives training in hair
dressing to those who do not want to enroll in school. She helps them in getting jobs, too.
Every night, I contact those girls whom I knew and those willing to change, and I give the
list to Zemi. In the morning, I make the [rental] beds and do other things. In the afternoon,
I go to school. Then [at night], I go out early to rent the beds. After that, when the business
workers [prostitutes] come out, I go there and take their names. Between 7:00 pm and 9:00
pm, the beds will be rented out as they are not many. I hand the money over to the
[land]lady. After 10:00 pm, I talk to business [sex] workers to find out those interested in
education. I walk around to talk to them, and they come to me, saying, "She worked with
us in the past and now she has changed.". This registration work does not take more than
an hour [a day]. So far, I changed about 28 children. Now, all are not in the business [sex]:
some are trained by Zemi, others are students.
Saba, who also became busy with her new life, was optimistic about the future. She stated:
My present friend advised me to quit and I did. He gave me Birr 100, with which I bought
chickpeas, potatoes, cigarettes, peanuts, and service plates [to start street vending]. I sell
these items every night on the street in front of my rented house. Although the income is
not comparable [to what she earned as a prostitute], if I stay late at night, I earn Birr 10 to
15 per day. I work from 5:00 pm to 1:00 am. He also helps me, meaning, he pays the house
rent, Birr 150. Now, we live together. While quitting the business, I used to visit my
friends [prostitutes] in the Berenda area. I did not want to cut off our friendship. However,
I was not doing business because I hated that life. Now, I chew khat once in a while. He
also chews. He brings Birr 30 to 40 [per day]. So far, we do not have children. My old
neighbors know that I gave up the sex work. They see me selling items on the street. They
say, "That is good, keep it up." I stay on the street until 1:00 am. I do not believe that
staying late would expose me to other things [sexual assault] because Areqe [liquor] is sold
in the area and there are lots of people on the street. There are bed renters. I stay with them.
There is a demand [for her goods]. I sleep in the morning. Then, I purchase, prepare, and
sell the goods. Tomorrow, change will come. It does not occur at once. This is what I
think.
5.2 Perspectives of parents, community and NGO representatives
Parents, NGO representatives, and community leaders were asked questions about the kinds of
children/young people with greater propensity to recover from sexual abuse/exploitation, and the
social environment conducive for recovery. Different informants provided lists of personal
qualities and the appropriate social contexts under which recovery may be expected. A community
representative (a nurse) explained, "Those who were forced into abuse/exploitation, those who
were not addicted to drugs, and those with goals to reach tend to recover." According to a guardian
of a migrant prostitute, "Those who started commercial sex work against their interest out of
desperation and those who received counseling from NGOs would quit the sex work easily." A
priest remarked, "If they [sex workers] are provided with proper education [religious] and material
support, they would recover. Children need a welcoming environment. Like the Church does,
families and communities should welcome them to facilitate their recovery." A representative of a
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local NGO working on children noted, "Recovery is facilitated when the victim has the confidence
in his/her future, when support is available from other sources, and when the family or close
relatives are supportive and welcoming.
According to data gathered from the majority of informants, factors that facilitate recovery from
sexual abuse/exploitation may be grouped into three: the presence of motivation and determination
to recover on the part of the victim, the availability of external support to facilitate the recovery,
and the existence of a welcoming environment to ensure reintegration into family and society.
Most informants were cautious about the dynamics of recovery because once recovered does not
necessarily mean a done deal. Hence, they underlined the need for a favorable environment and
external support to prevent risks of relapse.
With this fundamental understanding, certain NGOs claimed to be working on the recovery of
sexually abused and/or exploited children in a variety of ways. CHAD-ET conducts recovery
programs for vulnerable and sexually exploited children through the provision of different forms
of skill training. IPSO works with families to build a strong and loving family environment, with
communities to make them more responsible and vigilant, and with disadvantaged children to
enhance their problem solving skills. Sexually abused and vulnerable children were the direct and
primary beneficiaries of OPRIFIS, an NGO that provided a safe home, psychological support,
education, medical support, reunification, child rights, capacity building, to list some. The
organization also worked with families, communities, and local organizations that work with
children. FSCE provided support to sexually abused and exploited children. These included
washing and laundry services, health and sex education, medical treatment, non-formal education,
play and recreation, guidance and counseling, reintegration, and skill training. In addition to
providing counseling services to sexually abused children, ANPPCAN carried out legal advisory
work and follow-up that included producing witnesses to give testimony to the police,
encouraging children to supply information, and follow-up on the legal course of action.
5.3 Intra-category similarities and differences
Recovered young girls could not be identified for the age group 10-13. At early age, entry into
exploitative situation is expected rather than recovery. Among the ten young women between the
ages of 14 and 20 included in the sample, there was no significant age-based difference. Instead,
they seemed to have a lot in common. For example, eight young women became sex workers
when they were between the ages of 13 and 15. All of them expected material betterment and
social freedom. However, all soon hated the business because of health risks and different forms
of abuses, not to mention the social stigmatization. They realized the huge gap between their
expectations and the reality, and hence wanted to quit as soon as they could.
The study revealed location-based differences in the process of entry into prostitution. Of the ten
informants, six were from Addis Ababa and the remaining four came from the countryside. The
four from the countryside (Atsede, Aziza, Amenech, and Tigat) worked as maids or dishwashers,
at least for three months, before taking up the sex work. On the other hand, the six from Addis
Ababa (Azenegash, Hiwot, Mekdelawit, Saba, Tihit, and Tizita) became prostitutes soon after
leaving their homes. Children living in Addis Ababa are aware of the risks of commercial sex
work, and the availability of other means of making a living in the city. It is not clear why they
made prostitution their first choice. The other difference is that some young women from Addis
Ababa returned home after their recovery from exploitative situations. For instance, three of the
six informants (Azenegash, Hiwot, and Tihit) negotiated with their respective families and
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managed to secure successful reintegration. On the other hand, none of the four village girls
returned home after their recovery. For those from Addis Ababa, it is relatively easy to maintain
close contact with family, negotiate to get back home, and find alternative means of living.
6. Victims of Sexual Abuse/Exploitation
This chapter lays emphasis on the different forms of abuse and sexual exploitation meted out to
children. In regards to child prostitutes, the chapter considers the coping strategies they use to deal
with problems related to sex work and day-to-day living. Other aspects of their life such as the
nature of relationship with family and effort made to escape sex work are also discussed.
6.1 Forms of abuse and sexual exploitation
6.1.1 Physical abuse
Based on the information provided by child prostitutes, it can be said that physical abuse of sex
workers is a characteristic of the practice. The perpetrators include customers, gangsters in the
neighbourhood and senior prostitutes. It is reported that customers use different pretexts to resort
to physical violence. Thus, they may refuse to pay the negotiated sum after sex, practice sex with
condom, or may demand an unconventional form of sex. Atsede Esatu, age 18, described the
situation in this way:
Some men demand sex for free. Or they refuse to pay after they had sex. Others steal
money from the prostitutes. Intoxicated on alcohol or khat, a lot of men practice aggressive
sex, or ask for unconventional forms. Prostitutes who refuse or challenge their customers
risk physical abuse and brutalities.
With the intention of getting sexual and financial advantages, gangsters who live around use
physical attacks or threats to force child prostitutes to do their bidding. Currently sexually
exploited Jember Feleke, age 17, related this bitter experience:
A young boy asked me to sleep with him for free. I refused to go to bed without money.
Then he started verbal abuse. But he could not threaten me into accepting his demand.
Then he drew a razor blade and ran away after making a big cut on my neck.
Older sex workers are also reported to commit physical abuse on younger and less experienced
prostitutes. Mentioned as a reason is that the senior sex workers may want to force the younger
children to share with them what they have earned from sex work. When the children refuse and
resist, their seniors respond with physical violence to retaliate or pressure them to compromise.
6.1.2 Sexual abuse of young girls
Gang rape represents one of the serious forms of sexual abuse that child prostitutes experience.
Normally, one man negotiates sex with a prostitute. But when she goes to sleep with the man, she
may find a number of his friends waiting to have sex against her will. Currently recovered Hiwot
Getamesay, age 20, shared this firsthand experience:
One day, I agreed to sleep with a young man who was familiar with me. When we arrived
at the place, I saw six young boys who were waiting. Once I got into the room, the young
boys raped me one after another. Some of them refused to wear condom. When it was
over, I had a sore body and walked back home with great pain.
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According to the children who are currently exploited, a number of customers demand to have sex
without condom. Initially, some men may agree to wear condom. But in the room, they start to
argue against doing so. Or they wear the material only to remove it before the act. Others offer a
greater sum of money to persuade the prostitute to accept unsafe sex. The case of Tihun Getachew,
age 16, is one out of numerous stories descriptive of condom-related sexual abuse:
I slept with a man after he agreed to wear condom. He did so in the first round. Later, he
tried to do sex without one. When I refused, he began to beat me up. I reported to the
police, but they did not help. Indeed, the police made fun of me, and sent me away without
sympathy.
Condom-related sexual abuse is known to be associated with the risks of HIV and other STIs,
unwanted pregnancies, abortions and related health complications.
Another form sexual abuse involves pressuring child prostitutes into practicing anal and oral sex,
widely viewed as alien and unconventional in the cultural context of the study community.
Generally, the child prostitutes are shocked and outraged at the thought of attempting such acts.
But often they face the risk of physical abuse as a result of reluctance or refusal to follow these
procedures. Besides, unconventional sex can have serious health implications for the children.
This is because, according to the child informants, such sex is usually practiced without condom.
6.1.3 Sexual abuse of male children
Although not very common, the rape of male children is another form of child sexual abuse
prevalent in the research community. As a result of being raped, the victims have to endure painful
emotional and psychological consequences. Of course, the degree of the trauma, the coping
mechanisms used, and the pace and extent of recovery may vary from one victim to another.
The emotional and psychological impacts range from anger and resentment to hate, depression,
anxiety, sense of insecurity, hopelessness and the drive for revenge. These negative emotions
weigh heavily on the children so that they find it difficult to concentrate and remain stable. Also it
becomes a challenge for them to mix with their peer group. In extreme cases, their problems may
deteriorate into mental health cases that require professional therapy. Mequanent Temesgen, age
12, described his situation as follows:
My peers gossip about me around school and in the neighbourhood. They tell each other
that I was raped. Some even shout insults making mention of my experience openly. I get
annoyed and upset at such gossip and name-calling. This morning I was similarly harassed
and verbally abused by my school mates. So I stayed away from class in the afternoon.
A review of the responses by male children who were raped underscore that the social stigma
attached to this form of sexual abuse has far-reaching consequences. In the local cultural context,
the social stigma against raped boys is much more severe than against girls. As a result, victims
are discouraged from disclosing what happened to the most intimate of family members. Given
this, the emotional recovery of some raped boys may be attributed to their belief that no one
knows about their rape. Sani Kemal, age 16, observes that he has not disclosed his case to anyone,
which is helping him to cope successfully:
I know children in my community who are said to have been raped by the same man who
abused me. These children are constantly teased and harassed by their peers. The children
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are irritated, embarrassed and troubled by such mistreatment. It also makes it difficult for
them to forget about the rape. I do not experience these problems since my friends do not
know that I am a victim as well.
6.1.4 Sexual exploitation of child girls by brothel owners
The study area is notorious for the commonness of brothels. These brothels are operated mostly by
ladies who were themselves sex workers. The brothel owners hire child prostitutes to work at their
place on conditions. Most of the child prostitutes who work under these ladies are young girls who
migrated or were trafficked from the rural areas. Although some of the children approach the
ladies on their own, a large number of them are, however, delivered to the brothel owners by
brokers. As for children who come from the Addis Ketema community, the main reason why they
join brothels on the terms of the ladies is the desire to operate in secret from relatives. The lady
bosses are commonly referred to as balluka. The term signifies their ownership of the business. It
also denotes their position as the sharers of the income of the sex workers.
Usually, the children operate under the brothel bosses on the basis of two working arrangements.
In the first case, the ladies allow the children to occupy a small room at the brothel for which they
pay an agreed amount per day. The payment ranges from Birr 30 to Birr 50 daily. Location of the
brothel, its condition, and the attitudes of individual brothel owners are the main factors that
determine the rent. A child prostitute who operates on these terms has to pay the rent daily
whether she has got an income or not.
The second type of working arrangement is yekul (equal share of income). In this arrangement, the
child prostitute is required to share with her boss half of the income that she gets from every client
she sleeps with in a day. Children forced into this arrangement are mostly the ones who cannot
afford to have their own beds and household utensils. The bosses make available these things for
the children as part of the deal. The children may agree to operate for 12 or 24 hours. The bosses
make sure that the children sleep with as many customers as possible to maximize the size of their
income. To achieve this, the ladies impose restrictions on the children’s social contact, sleep and
leisure time. Jemanesh Tamene, age 17, describes how exploitative yekul arrangement is:
I operate day and night at a brothel. My sleeping time is when I share bed with a customer.
I keep waiting for a customer at the door of the brothel whenever I am not with a man. I am
not allowed to have a break and join my friends at coffee party. Nor does the lady permit
me to sleep when I get too tired for lack of rest. She controls my work and income by
counting the clients who sleep with me. She peeps through a hole in the shared wall to find
out whether I am alone or with a man. She also counts the used condoms to calculate the
amount of money I have earned.
Brothel owners (balluka) were interviewed to capture their opinions on the subject of child sexual
exploitation. They did not describe their business as exploitative. Still, they acknowledged that
that they benefited from the child girls involved in prostitution. A brothel owner, who hires two
child sex workers, remarked:
I see to it that the child girls I hire are smart and attractive. I prefer to rent my rooms to sex
workers since it brings me more income. If I rented them to other people, I would earn no
more than Birr 600 monthly. But I get twice as much per room from the sex workers. So
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the child prostitutes are a source of income for us. For this reason, we refer to them as
minibus taxies 19 .
6.2 Coping with day-to-day life situations
The category of currently exploited children includes young prostitutes operating in different
situations and coming from diverse backgrounds. Some are literate with limited exposure to
formal schooling. Others are migrants from the rural background, often with little schooling. The
way they practice prostitution also differs from child to child. Many operate on the street where
they wait and get the customers. Others are based at brothels where they share the money they
earn with the room owners. Depending on the working arrangement, the child prostitute may
operate for twenty-four or twelve hours each day. There are a few involved in bed renting during
the day, and sex work during the night. Some street girls go out for sex whenever they find a man
who pays for their meals and a place to spend the night. Although not too many, there are young
prostitutes who are also child mothers. Most of the child prostitutes are alcohol and substance
users - addicts to one or another type of substance. Still, there are very few who say that they are
not involved in any form of substance/drug abuse. In spite of this, the vast majority of the child
prostitutes practice a daily routine of life which has a regular pattern. The following two cases
illustrate a typical day in the life of child prostitutes.
Case one (Tiblet Dagne)
Past midnight (at about 1:00 am), when the police chased us away from the street, I
returned to my place to sleep. This morning, I watched a collection of video film clips. The
previous day, I helped my mother with housework until 4:00 pm. Then I went to watch
film at the cinema. About 8:00 pm, I was out on the street to do business. As I was
standing and waiting around, a young man approached me. He asked me if I would sleep
with him. I agreed and he invited me to dinner. He also offered me drinks. But I refused. I
saw the boy was too drunk. When he insisted, I pretended to drink. But actually, I was
emptying the glass on the floor. As we were in bed, I stole the money he had, and got out
of the room leaving him asleep. Three days ago, I woke up late in the morning. In the
afternoon, I went to the video house and stayed there until 8:00 pm. Afterwards, I slept
with a man overnight and earned Birr 80. I have a friend nicknamed Mitta. She had no luck
that night in dong business. So the next morning, I ate breakfast with her.
Case two (Tihun Getachew)
Yesterday I did not do business. It was the same the previous night. Three days ago I had
some luck. I slept with two men at different times and got Birr 30 each time. But I am
bored today as I was yesterday. I had to ask people for money to go to video house
yesterday. Before that, I had been to the hairdresser’s. A certain boy paid for my lunch.
The same boy offered me khat which I agreed to chew to relieve myself of boredom.
Today I had decided to sleep in all the time since I am without money. I only left bed when
they woke me up for this interview.
Children practicing prostitution employ various strategies to cope with problems that they face in
the course of their life. The children select and adopt coping mechanisms that they feel are bestsuited
to the particular kinds of problems that they experience. The actions meant to deal with
challenges may be taken by individual children or in groups.
19 The analogy is that sex workers generate income for their bosses like the taxies do for their owners on daily basis.
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6.2.1 Resource sharing and mutual assistance
Mutual assistance and resource sharing is one of the coping strategies that currently sexually
exploited children adopt to manage economic hardships. It seems that the adversities that are
common to the exploited children forges in them a group identity and sense of solidarity. A
manifestation of this is the tendency among the children to extend mutual support, share resources
and come to one another’s rescue.
By its very nature, commercial sex does not guarantee the child prostitutes a source of income that
they can rely upon or even predict. Hence, certain days of the week may only be better than others
in terms of the number of customers who pay for sex. Even then, it is not that the child prostitutes
keep the earnings entirely for themselves. Many have to share it with exploitative room owners. A
large number of others must meet the costs incurred by different habits and needs on a daily basis.
In these situations, it is not uncommon for the children to be penniless. However, it is in the nature
of the business that some earn well on certain days of the week during which others may earn
little. Those who have managed to earn well support their friends who have not been so lucky.
Thus, they share meals with them, spend time together at coffee parties or khat chewing
ceremonies, or join in other activities. Besides, as a common practice, the child prostitutes swap
clothes and lend money to each other as a means to deal with the shortage of clothing and finance.
In connection with this, Tihun Getachew says:
Things are too difficult for me when I run short of money. It is only me who knows how I
made it yesterday. I become so worried and disturbed when I have no cash to spend. I get
confused and do not know what to do. These days, there is not much business and we earn
little. I do not know why this happens. Business goes up and down. It becomes too hard to
manage if I go without work for two days. I pay Birr 15 daily to rent a bed. I cannot afford
to cover the cost on my own each day. So I have to live in a room with another girl who
shares the rent with me. Hence, on the days when I have not earned any money and my
friend has, she pays the rent. Other times when I have got income, I take my turn to settle
the bed rent.
Zuriash Fasika, another teenage girl currently in a state of sexual exploitation, adds:
Normally, we support each other. Whether we operate in rented rooms or on the streets, we
do not make difference between ourselves. Those of us who live and work in rented rooms
help children who do sex work on the streets by giving them clothes to wear or money to
spend to the extent we can. Our habit is such that whatever money some of us earn on a
given day, we spend it in groups with others on meals, khat, and drinks. We do so in the
hope that God will take care of our needs the next day. As usual, we prepare ourselves to
go out and try our luck on the street when evening comes. Of course, not every one of us
may be lucky enough to make it. Still, if one fails another of us succeeds. The practice of
mutual assistance and resource sharing binds us together as a group.
In other cases, forms of mutual assistance or cooperation involve defending a friend who has come
under attack by an abusive customer, or fighting back in her support. In regards to this, a child
prostitute named Roman Tesfahun, age 19, remarked:
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When I face men who insist on having sex with me for free and by force, I resist their
advance. When they do not relent, I shout for help. My friends who hear me shouting
gather from wherever they are around the corner. Then they join me as I try to defend
myself and force him out of my place. If he is too strong for us to overpower, a friend will
report the case to the police patrolling the area so that they come and deal with him.
6.2.2 Maintaining relationships with ‘boyfriends’ or ‘husbands’
As stated earlier, child prostitutes are faced with the threats of sexual and physical violence posed
by gangsters and bullyboys. In order to cope with these problems, they identify themselves with a
certain boy or man as a ‘friend’ or ‘husband’. Such relationship, as they say, spares them the
experience of physical abuse in the hands of gangsters and difficult customers. It is common for
such boys to say that this or that child prostitute belongs to such and such boy or man. Knowing
this, the gangsters are deterred from harassing a child prostitute identified with or belonging to
somebody of their ranks as his ‘girlfriend’ or ‘wife’. The child prostitute who enjoys such
protection reciprocates in the form of free sex, gifts of money or supply of food, drinks, cigarettes
and khat to the boy or man playing the role of ‘husband/protector’. In this respect, Jember Feleke,
who is currently sexually exploited, explains:
I have a boyfriend. His presence protects me against harassment and attack. The boys and
young men in the neighbourhood involved in harassing and attacking girls respect one
another’s interests and do not engage in provocative acts. They leave me alone by saying
“this is the wife of (Mr. X)”. So they show me respect for his sake. They want to avoid a
fight with him that may possibly result if they harass or attack me. Still, when he is not
around, a friend of his can harass and give me a lot of trouble.
On the same note, Emebet Zeleke goes on to say:
I am in a relationship with a certain young man who resides in this neighbourhood. I
started and continue to maintain the relationship so that he protects me against gangsters
and trouble making customers. In return for such service, I give him part of the income that
I have earned by selling my body. He spends the money he receives on drinks and khat. I
cannot refuse giving him money which he demands as a matter of right. In case I
sometimes do not do so, he challenges me by saying “where is the cash from the work you
have done?” When he feels that I have not given him enough money, he complains of
being cheated and may even beat me up. Still, I cannot manage without him since he
comes to my rescue when bullyboys or difficult customers give me a hard time. Since he
lives nearby, I send for him when I need his help. He shows up at once. He kicks around
the trouble makers and drags them out of my place.
6.2.3 The avoidance of risk situations
From experience, child prostitutes are generally aware of what kinds of situations can pose risks as
they practice commercial sex. Hence, they are careful to choose surroundings, customers or means
of travel that they assume are less likely to cause them harm. Accordingly, the children are
cautious about going out for business at distant places or in unfamiliar rented rooms. Similarly,
they tend to avoid a ride accompanying customers in their car. The following cases told by child
prostitutes underscore that risk avoidance is another coping mechanism that they use to deal with
potentially dangerous situations.
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Case one (Tihun Getachew)
I have heard stories about children being driven by customers far away to be raped and
abandoned in the forest. Even more horrifying are the ones I heard about, the so-called the
hyena-men. The [hyena-]men are alleged to eat up or leave the girls that they have taken in
their car stricken with shock and fear. It is said that after such an ordeal the children suffer
the consequence for years. As a result, I never take a ride with customers in their car. Even
in the neighbourhood where I live, I go with the man as long as he walks with me only to a
familiar place.
Case two (Senait Damte)
As street prostitutes, we identify people who practice sex styles and habits alien to our
culture. So when a fellow child sees a man whom she knows to have this tendency or habit
approaching or conversing with me, she signals to me to watch out. At this, I tell the man
that I am waiting for another customer, just to avoid him safely. After his departure, I ask
my friend why she suggested that I avoid him. Then her likely reply is that the man is the
one who asked to do anal sex on her on a previous occasion.
6.2.4 Refusing sex without condom
Child prostitutes report that they have to cope with the demand and use of force by customers to
have sex without condom. Indeed, they indicate that this is one of the common forms of sexual
abuse meted out to them on a routine basis, as stated earlier in this chapter. The children use
different means to protect themselves against such abuse and the risks involved. The mechanisms
employed include persuading the man to wear condom, carrying their own condom, and declining
to sleep except on the condition of safe sex. To make sure that customers are wearing condom,
some of the children said that they insist on watching them doing so. To prevent the risk of the
condom being removed by accident or on purpose, a child prostitute said that she insists on
making sure that her man wears a layer of two condoms. In situations where these mechanisms do
not work, the children reported that they take additional and serious measures. Among these are
dashing out of the room, returning the money paid in advance, and shouting for help. In regard to
this, Getenesh Hailu said:
When a man refuses to use condom, I try to persuade him otherwise. I tell him that it is in
the interest of both of us. But if he continues to resist and resorts to force, I dash out of the
room not even taking time to put on my clothes. At any cost, I avoid sex without condom.
Some men offer more money to make the child prostitutes accept their demand to have sex
without condom. In my case, I never give attention to such enticements or coercion. I shout
to get help or report the matter to the police.
6.2.5 Stealing from customers
Cheating and robbery are said to be among the crimes committed by customers against sex
workers. Child prostitutes retaliated through acts of stealing, but not necessarily from the same
offenders. Driven perhaps by their perception that most men are similarly abusive/exploitative,
besides the motive to use every opportunity to maximize their income, they cheat or steal from all
unsuspecting customers. Most of the children who were interviewed reported that stealing from
customers is a common practice. The following quote from a fourteen-year-old, Tiblet Dagne,
represents a scenario of how the children steal from their customers:
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After making a deal with a man to sleep with him overnight, I receive the payment in
advance. I make sure that we go to a sleeping place where I know the women in charge of
arranging and renting the rooms. Usually, we work hand-in-hand with such women and
street boys that roam around. Supposedly to fetch water for use in the room, I get out
pretending to talk to the woman. Knowing what I am up to, the women lets me disappear
from the place. I waste no time to escape by running as fast as I can. In case, the man
suspects or finds out and runs after me, the street boys who understand the matter from my
rush stop him. They ask him what has gone wrong, pretending to help and calm him down.
Actually, they do that to allow me time to get away so that the man will not be able to
catch up with me. Of course, I will afterward have to share part of the stolen money with
the street boys and the woman responsible for the room.
6.3 Coping with problems related to work and life
Children involved in commercial sex try to manage the problems they face in their daily life in
different ways. Twelve of the twenty-one currently sexually exploited children stated that they
engage in various habits that they believe will make them forget their problems. The common
habits that the children practice when faced with difficulties are chewing khat, drinking alcohol,
breathing in ganja, and smoking tobacco and shisha. When confronted with a serious challenge,
Haimanot Mebratu said that she would cope with it in this way: “I resort to breathing in ganja to
help me forget all about the problem. When I chew khat after puffing on ganja, I am relieved of
my concerns and anxieties”. Zuriash Fasika added: “Chewing khat makes us feel stronger to
withstand sexually vigorous and aggressive men who have themselves chewed khat. Without
chewing khat, it is difficult to cope with men who can inflict pain and harm because of being
sexually too energetic. But when we have chewed khat and feel stronger as a result, we withstand
the impact and cope with the harm inflicted”.
Ten of the twenty-one children mentioned going to church and praying to God as one of the
mechanisms they use to deal with life’s problems. They may employ this mechanism in addition
to other coping methods, or as a sole means of coping with difficulties. Bezawit Ketema relates:
When I am upset, I weep bitterly and implore my God to come to my rescue. I can discuss
the problem with my friends, but most of the time they will only gossip around and spread
my secret to others rather than helping me to solve it. Hence, what is helpful is only to cry
to the Lord. He can free me from this situation at some unexpected day. I never get
involved in the smoking habit. I hate smoking completely. When I encounter a problem, I
only resort to drinking alcohol to help me forget about it.
However, although the children may have faith in God, not all of them still consider themselves
worthy enough to attend church. Feelings of guilt resulting from their practicing prostitution cause
them to perceive themselves as being too unclean to be true believers. Jemanesh Tamene stated:
I consult a close friend about problems other than financial difficulties. But never have I
been to church since I started commercial sex. I hope to resume attending church once I am
out of this kind of life. I do not even stop to look and salute when I walk past the church.
This is because as long as I remain in prostitution, I continue to engage in sinful practices
and lead an immoral life. While I was living with my parents as a small child, I liked to go
to church regularly, though, at present I have completely given up doing so. For example, I
do not fast although this is a major fasting season. I cannot imagine doing it living the kind
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of life in which I sell my body for money. Still, I continue to petition God in my heart and
refrain from visiting the church.
Discussing personal problems with friends is another coping mechanism, as reported by five of the
twenty-one children currently in the state of sexual exploitation. Menbere Demere said: “When
something troubles or outrages me, I prefer to talk it over with my friends. This helps to calm me
down or lay my worries to rest. However, if my anger or anxiety persists, then I resort to drinking.
Afterwards, I forget about it completely.” As indicated earlier, some child prostitutes cope with
problems by crying, using this as one of their mechanisms to manage situations that upset, worry
or enrage them. Stated as further coping mechanisms by certain children are sleeping, singing or
listening to music when faced with troubling thoughts or circumstances.
6.4 Relationships with the family
Children involved in commercial sex by and large continue to practice it without the knowledge
or approval of their families, particularly parents and siblings. For this reason, they make sure
that they operate at a place where they can remain anonymous, and practice out of the sight and
notice of relatives and acquaintances. Hence, in the case for example of children whose origin is
around the research area, they make it a point to do their business in a neighbourhood or part of
the Addis Ketema community away from their place of birth and upbringing. The stigma
associated with the cultural taboo against prostitution is the factor that forces the children to
operate hidden from their families.
Therefore, it is common for the children to lie to their families about their job. Those who
maintain contact with their parents tell them that they are working as waitresses or cashiers in the
service industry such as restaurants, cafes, and hotels. As for the children from the rural areas,
they claim to do domestic work in private homes, or cleaning and washing at places like hotels.
In spite of hiding the truth about their means of livelihood, however, many of the children,
particularly the natives of Addis Ababa, maintain relationships with their families. Depending on
individual children, the degree of their ties with their families may be close or loose. The
relationships may take the forms of paying visits from time to time, especially on holidays or
other occasions marking different family events, making phone calls, and supporting parents and
siblings with material and financial gifts. Based on the stories told by some of the children, it is
possible to observe that there are many who maintain even stronger family ties. For instance,
three of the children interviewed, all practicing prostitution currently, stated that they support
their families as often as they can. They said that they contribute money to supplement the
family budget, or assist their siblings in their education by covering school expenses, as well as
by buying them school uniforms, educational materials and cloths.
Nonetheless, not all of the children have similarly positive or strong relationships with their
families. Some mainly from the rural communities said that they had lost all contact with their
families. As a result, parents and relatives back in the home villages have no idea of their
whereabouts. In the case of children who have lost family contact, the reasons may be family
break-up because of the death of parents, or parental disapproval of engagement in sex work.
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6.5 Efforts made to recover
In view of sexual abuse and exploitation that they suffer, it is no wonder that the vast majority of
child sex workers show an interest to get out of prostitution. Thus, a number of them make an
effort to that end.
Some may show an interest to get out of prostitution, but may not do enough in practice. The
reasons vary according to their individual circumstances. Some expressed that stopping sex work
as a means of income is difficult as child mothers. They assume that, with a baby to take care of,
an alternative source of livelihood is difficult to find. A couple of the children interviewed said
that they did not succeed in their effort to find domestic work because householders are reluctant
to hire children who have babies to care for. In this regard, Jemanesh Tamene said:
So far I have not made any serious effort to stop prostitution. But I am intending to do so
in the future. At the moment, there is no one who will hire me with a child under my care.
The instant they see that I have a baby, they will say: ‘Is she going to do our work or care
for her baby? I am thinking of transferring my baby to the care of my parents after
sometime, and consider trying other activities even peddling.
What prevents others from putting forth the effort to make successful recovery, despite their
interest, is the concern that they cannot manage to get money to finance their various habits such
drinking, smoking, and khat chewing. In the case of Tihun Getachew for instance, her effort to
make recovery was thwarted by her addiction to alcohol and substance. Tihun said:
I have tried to get out of commercial sex. As an alternative means of survival, I started
work as domestic, but I could not manage to continue. The main problem was that I was
addicted to alcohol, khat, and smoking. It was difficult for me to practice these habits
working in a private home. So I had to quit the job days after I started it.
Other children pointed out that the difficulty of making sufficient savings that enables a successful
recovery process was a constraint that stood on their way. They were concerned that lack of
necessities would mean either a return to prostitution or starving to death. Many of them may try
to deposit from their earnings with the intention of saving up enough money to shift to other types
of business. But income from commercial sex is not reliable. They may not do work and thus not
earn money for several days. During this time, they are forced to survive on their savings meant to
help them pull out of sexual exploitation. Others expressed that the difficulty of not getting a
guarantor made it impossible to find other jobs such as domestic work. Hence, they could not take
a courageous step to escape from their situation.
Still, there are some children who are determined not to give up on their efforts, despite
discouraging factors and the patience needed to achieve the desired outcomes. As regards her
experience, Emawayish Zena says:
I am fed up with commercial sex. That is why I have obtained a passport in order to
migrate to an Arab country for work. I processed it as an option to try work opportunities
abroad, if it is not possible to find job here because of not having a guarantor. I was
encouraged by a woman who works as an employment agent. As long as I could afford the
costs for passport, visa and HIV test, she promised that my employment would be
facilitated. However, after I met these requirements, I was asked to pay Birr 2,000 to go to
Qatar, and Birr 6,000 to fly to Dubai. But I cannot afford the travel cost to either
destination.
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6.6 Intra-category similarities and differences
An attempt was made to examine similarities and differences in the range of experience and
patterns of response to situations among children who are currently sexually exploited. From a
close scrutiny of the research data, it was not easy to establish clear differences across the three
age groups (10-13, 14-17, and 18-24). The commonalities across these age groups are so dominant
that they overshadow any shades of differences that may exist. Hence, re-categorizing the children
as junior (10-17) and senior (18-24) was deemed a more practical approach to discern and
recognize the existing similarities and differences.
Accordingly, a number of salient intra-category similarities were identified and captured that cut
across the mentioned two broad age groups. To begin with, a regular pattern is observed in the
daily routines of both the junior and senior child prostitutes. An overwhelming majority of the
children in the two age groups spend a large portion of the day sleeping, after working overnight.
In the afternoons, they mostly spend their time by socializing at coffee parties, chewing khat,
watching video or playing and chatting in groups. By evening they start preparing for the night’s
routine of sex work. Another outstanding and cross-cutting intra-category commonality is that the
parents have no or little knowledge about what the children are doing to eke out their living.
Especially are they ignorant about the children practicing prostitution. Nor are the children willing
to let their parents and relatives know of their involvement in commercial sex. The range of
experience of junior and senior children is also similar in respect to the kinds of physical and
sexual abuse that they are victims of as prostitutes, as discussed earlier in this chapter. Moreover,
the two groups of children in this category adopt closely resembling strategies and mechanisms to
cope with the threats and acts of abuse coming from different abusers and exploiters.
In regard to intra-category differences, the variations observed seem to be tendencies rather than
patterns of behaviour or characteristics that define the respective age groups. In the case of the
junior children, particularly those whose origin is in Addis Ababa, entry into commercial sex tends
to be direct and automatic. This is to say that they jump into the practice without first trying other
activities as a means of livelihood. Senior children, especially of rural background, however, got
involved in small jobs such as domestic work and cleaning and washing in the hotels, before they
shifted to commercial sex. Another mentionable difference is that some child prostitutes in the
junior age group generally appear not to exhibit a keen desire to quit. The 13-year-old Menbere
Demere stated,
I have never tried to pull myself out of this work. I have not experienced a way of life
better than this one. So, I am carrying on with this practice. I am getting the money I need
for my survival from this practice. Hence, I have not thought of trying other jobs such as
serving as a waitress. May be, I will embark on some kind of business provided someone
offers me the capital.
Similar sentiments are echoed by the remarks made by seven other junior child prostitutes
(Birkenesh Aschalew (13), Tihut Temegen (13), Zuriash Fasika (15), Tihun Getachew (16),
Jemanesh Tamene (17), Jembere Feleke (17), Haimanot Mebratu (17). By contrast, senior child
prostitutes exhibit the desire and exert the effort to get out as soon as possible. To that end, they
make savings from their income to shift to an alternative means of livelihood or get the money to
cover their travel cost so as to go and work in Arab countries. Twenty-year old Samrawit Abeje
explains her plan to stop commercial sex in this way:
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Side by side with sex work, I wash laundry for customers. Since the fasting season began, I
have not practiced any of my addictive habits. I was sprinkled with holy water at the
church and made an oath to abstain from such acts and non-fasting food during this period.
The elderly woman who is renting me a room advises me to give up prostitution and try
other business instead. I am intending to take up work as domestic servant in the Sudan.
But I need Birr 2,000 to 3,000 to process my employment.
It is worth noting that, because of their tender age, the junior children look more attractive to sex
customers, as compared with their seniors. Such self-perception gives them the confidence that
they are needed for their comparative physical appeal. Sixteen-year-old Tihun Getachew had this
to say:
My customers are mostly elderly men. They are interested in me because I am a teenager.
Most of the prostitutes in the area where I work are senior to me by age. As a result, men
generally prefer me to them for sex. I am operating in Piazza area. It requires wearing high
quality clothes and make-ups to practice commercial sex in this part of town. But this does
not concern or worry me much. Most men simply take me out seeing that I am much
younger.
As for the senior prostitutes, competition is high among them as they try to outshine one another
in the quality of their dress and make-ups. Notable points of contrast are also apparent between the
junior and senior child prostitutes in regards to future ambitions. In the case of the former, it is
evident that they are inclined to plan for resuming school and realizing a professional dream
commonly shared by their age mates, such as becoming a nurse or a physician. As for the latter,
pursuing education is not on their priority list, probably because of considering themselves as
being too late for it, or unable to succeed after many years of quitting school. Instead, they seem to
think that it is easier for them to perform better and improve their life in small business activities
or vocational skill training and practice like hairdressing, tailoring, and cookery.
7. Cross-category Similarities and Differences
An analysis of cross-cutting features among the three categories of children and young people
reveals the following similarities and differences in their experience.
7.1 Vulnerable versus currently abused/exploited children
It is noteworthy that children who are at risk and those currently abused/exploited can be found in
all three age groups established for the purpose of the research. There is, however, a point of
difference between the two categories in relation to connection with the family. As for vulnerable
children, they generally live with their parents/guardians and therefore get family attention and
follow-up. As a result, they have the benefit of attending school in most cases. It is the opposite
with children currently abused/exploited. By and large, they start practicing commercial sex after
they leave home. Therefore, their families may not have knowledge of their whereabouts or what
they are doing, let alone follow-up on them and make sure that they are secure. In a state of sexual
abuse and exploitation, it is generally unlikely, if not impossible, for such children, to attend
school and make progress.
On the other hand, those currently abused/exploited develop and employ various mechanisms to
cope with problems. This characteristic is apparently a product of their exposure to or experience
of adversities that require the adoption of strategies to manage and survive through sex work and
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the difficulties surrounding it. The use of alcohol and substance abuse as a coping mechanism
distinguishes the currently abused/exploited from the vulnerable, since these habits are closely
linked with their way of life and sub-culture as prostitutes. Vulnerable children also need to cope
with problems that they face. But their coping behavior largely does not involve addictive habits,
and is limited to consulting friends/family members/relatives, turning to the church/God, engaging
in more than one type of activity to support oneself, and inquiring to understand more about things
that they are not knowledgeable about.
The two categories of children also differ in regards to their future ambitions and aspirations. As
far as the vulnerable are concerned, their plans and wishes center around successful completion of
school, and achieving a professional career of some type usually emulating individuals that they
consider as role models. In the case of the currently abused/exploited, particularly the senior
children, their ambitions and goals focus on extracting themselves from the state of abuse and
exploitation, and improving their life in a certain kind of business engagement.
7.2 Vulnerable versus recovered children
A large number of the vulnerable school children engage in small jobs such as bed renting and
street vending/peddling during out-of-school hours and the weekends to support parents and
themselves. These children said that they did not see becoming involved in prostitution as personal
threat or concern. Indeed, some of them totally ruled out such a possibility or outcome. They
explained that routinely observing the bitter experiences that other child prostitutes have to endure
in their neighborhood, it is unthinkable for them to get into a similar situation. It seems that the
same risk environment in which they live and which exposes them to sexual exploitation has
taught them a lesson to protect themselves against becoming the victims of this eventuality. The
following case narrated by the 17-year-old Gezashgn Zeru, vulnerable young girl doing bed
renting, is particularly telling and representative of the views shared by her fellow children.
I am not tempted to become a prostitute, although I daily practice the work of bed renting,
which is exposing by its nature. There is a lot for me to learn from the experiences of
children who operate as prostitutes in the area. It is easy to weigh the advantages and
disadvantages from my observations and the conversations of the prostitutes themselves.
Their common subjects of talk are the abuses perpetrated on them by the men with whom
they sleep. Most of them have unpleasant stories to tell, some of which involve horrifying
incidents such as being attacked for refusing unsafe or abnormal sex. Another common
experience that I observe is that many of the young girls go out for sex work in the evening
well-dressed and looking good, only to return the next morning with bruised faces as a
result of beatings by their customers. There are times when I get into a dilemma and
hesitate to give up the work of bed renting and start prostitution. This happens when I
become frustrated by problems related to the bed renting business. Yet the hardships faced
by child sex workers and my observations of their bitter situation come to my mind. Then I
stop thinking in that direction. I tell myself that, however desperate I may be, I will go for
domestic work rather than becoming a prostitute.
Similarly, most of the recovered children are positive that they will not relapse into the kind of life
situation of which they have bad memories. Surviving on institutional support, assistance of
husbands or boyfriends, or activities such as bed renting and street vending, the children still seem
exposed to the risk. Yet, having firsthand experience of the adversities associated with sexual
exploitation, they appear determined not to return to the practice once again. The position that
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these children generally maintain is that their decision is based not simply on observations, but on
personal experience. Hence, they said that they would never imagine themselves practicing
commercial sex, after extracting themselves from that state. But they added that access to support
to enable them engage in some form income generating activity would facilitate and strengthen the
process of their recovery.
Many vulnerable children live with their parents/guardians and enjoy the advantage of receiving
family attention and support. Having left home and spent a time in prostitution, the recovered
children have detached themselves from their families and maintained loose ties with parents and
relatives. There is also a line of contrast between the two categories in regards to age. Children
regarded as vulnerable exist in all three age groups ranging from 10 to 24. As for recovered
children, they are mostly found in the senior age group because the moment of recovery likely
comes after a child has spent some years practicing prostitution.
7.3 Currently abused/exploited versus recovered children
An important commonality that currently abused/exploited and recovered children share is that, in
a large majority of cases, they have lost ties with their parents/guardians. As a result, they no
longer receive or enjoy the parental guidance, affection, and follow-up that they may at one time
have had. Despite having stopped practicing commercial sex, most recovered children do not
reestablish their relationship with the family.
It should be mentioned as a point of similarity that children in the currently abused/exploited and
recovered categories share common attitudes toward sexual abuse and exploitation. This is a result
of the fact that they have both been subjected to common experiences of physical and sexual abuse
as sex workers. When they discuss or give accounts of their experiences, both portray their
encounters in a similar language and with the same degree of emotion and sense of bitterness.
Even though they are recovered, children who have extracted themselves from sexual exploitation
live with disturbing memories of different forms of abuse that others continue to face.
In respect to age, currently abused/exploited children come from different age groups ranging
from 12 to 24. However, most of the recovered children belong to the senior age group of 17 years
and above. As far as future ambitions are concerned, the currently abused/exploited children
focused on pulling themselves out of sexually abusive and exploitative situations. As for the
recovered, they are mainly concerned with reinforcing and maintaining their present status. Their
efforts focus on the avoidance of sliding back into prostitution, while working hard to improve
their situation in other activities.
7.4 Comparison/contrast of the three categories of children
It must be mentioned as a strong similarity that the children in all three categories identified the
same situations in their community as common risk factors of sexual abuse and exploitation. The
common risks pointed out by one or the other of the children include common presence of sex
work, wide prevalence of alcohol and substance abuse, the existence of video houses which screen
plenty of pornography, and bed renting business, among many others.
Despite variations in the levels of their knowledge and the means by which they obtain the
information, the children in the three categories are aware of sexual abuse and exploitation. Many
of the smaller children in the vulnerable category said that they did not know of anyone who had
been raped, and were not themselves approached by anyone in this way. Moreover, they did not
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have knowledge about the practice of sexual exploitation, and particularly of the raping of boys by
men. But still these children identify, recognize and express what they consider as exposing
situations. In their view, such attitudes or situations are: not rejecting sexual overtures or
provocation by men, not frowning upon tendencies towards sexual abuse, flirting behavior, and
missing school to visit shisha/khat houses. Other areas of resemblance relate to the future
ambitions of the children. When stating what they desire to become or achieve in the future, the
interest to go and work in Arab countries has been mentioned by a certain number of children in
all categories (3 in the vulnerable category, 6 in the currently abused/exploited category, and 2 in
the recovered category). In addition, the desire to help the vulnerable and the abused/exploited
children is a future aspiration expressed by children in the three categories (6 in vulnerable, 4 in
currently abused/exploited, and 3 in recovered).
Worth noting as a difference between the currently abused/exploited children on the one hand, and
the vulnerable and recovered on the other is that the former adopt as a group a regular pattern or
style of living on day-to-day basis. It is in the nature of the practice of prostitution that the children
generally stay awake and are active during much of the night and take rest during the day. Their
daily routine of life is, therefore, shaped by the way of doing things that they follow by night and
by day. Thus, they spend the night getting themselves ready for business and practicing sex work.
Most of the time, they sleep in during the day. In the afternoons they spend time in groups
chewing khat, drinking coffee, and watching films at the video house, among other activities. As
for vulnerable and recovered children, their daily routines vary according to the nature of the
activities that they engage in during the day, which range from attending school to carrying out
different kinds of jobs. Hence, children in these two categories do not practice a consistent pattern
of living that defines them as a group. Instead, they follow daily routines required by the particular
kinds of activities that they pursue.
Deserving mention as distinctive of the currently abused/exploited children is their group
characteristics of mutual assistance and resource sharing. Such cooperation may be attributed to
the threats and adversities that they face in common in the form of physical, verbal and sexual
abuse and exploitation. They are usually targeted for abuse by their customers, bullyboys in the
neighborhood, boyfriends/husbands, room renting ladies, and allegedly even the police. In
addition, they have to cope with negative social attitudes and the resulting stigma and contempt
toward prostitution. In general, the problems they face are compounded by a variety of factors,
which necessitate them to develop multi-faceted coping mechanisms to manage and respond to
difficulties. In the case of the vulnerable and recovered children, exposure to abusive and
exploitative situations of the same degree of intensity or magnitude is not evident. This may
explain why a similar degree of group solidarity and support system is not in evidence. The coping
mechanisms that they employ to deal with difficulties are limited and not so elaborate.
In regards to awareness about sexual abuse and exploitation, cross-category differences are
observed in the way the knowledge is obtained. In the case of the vulnerable children, they learn
about these problems through their observations of what happens in their immediate environment.
In addition, the media, TV and radio in particular, are other sources of the same information.
Vulnerable children attending school have an opportunity to get informed about such issues by
way of different school clubs. On the other hand, currently abused/exploited and recovered
children are not only more knowledgeable and conversant about sexual abuse and exploitation, but
their source of knowledge and understanding is a lived experience.
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Figure 3. Links between risks/vulnerabilities, protection, and resilience
Risk and
Vulnerability
Factors
8. Conclusions
Non-Abuse/Exploitation
Presence of
protective
factors lead
to
Abuse/Exploitation
Resilience in
Children
Recovery
No Recovery
The Merkato area in Addis Ababa has a host of risk factors that expose children and young people
to sexual abuse and sexual exploitation. Some of the risks include crime and delinquency, the
prevalence of commercial sex work, the screening of pornographic and other violent films, street
business, peer influence, congested pattern of residence, and widespread drug/substance abuse. As
a result, many children have become victims of sexual abuse/exploitation. Certain children and
young people are more susceptible to these risks because of circumstances such as extreme
poverty, parental death, family disorganization, neglect, migration, trafficking, and streetism.
Despite the presence of the risk and vulnerability factors, many children and young people in
Merkato remained resilient to sexual abuse/exploitation due to the presence of various protective
factors. These include personal qualities of individual children plus the role of the family, peers,
school clubs, NGOs, religious institutions, and private citizens.
Regarding personal qualities, many children and young people developed critical consciousness to
understand threats around them and devised appropriate strategies to overcome those threats.
Many children developed the ability to operate in teams, a strategy devised partly to protect each
other against sex offenders. A good number of them also possessed the ability to act independently
and make their environment as safe and productive as possible. They kept themselves busy with
different activities (e.g., education, work, and creative venture), and these strategies helped them
not only build their futures but also keep distance from dangerous situations. These remarkable
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personal qualities affirm the view that children are active players who have their own ideas/views
and who make choices or take actions independently.
A loving and caring family environment represented another protective factor in that it served as a
safeguard against any desire to seek affection, material support, security, and guidance from
outside, which might have exposed children to risks of sexual abuse/exploitation. Many children
and young people stressed family love, inspiration, and sacrifice as crucial factors that reduced
their exposure to risks. Outside the family context, positive peer influence served as a protective
factor. Peer pressure motivated children for success, encouraged them to exhibit appropriate social
behavior, and kept them away from risky situations. Some high-risk children also demonstrated
competence in locating and accessing protective resources (given in the form of ideas, motivation,
funds, materials, and/or skills training) at the disposal of such institutions as schools, NGOs,
religious organizations, and the private sector. From this it is evident that resilience is a product of
actor competencies as well as relations and interactions of different factors and environments.
Some children and young people managed to avoid dangerous situations, while others could not
withstand the pressure/temptation that subjected them to abuse/exploitation. While some managed
to disengage themselves from risky sex work, others continued to practice it. Many sex workers
wanted to quit because of the social stigma, health risks, and abuses by customers. However, the
actual recovery is reported to be rather difficult without adequate preparation and/or external
assistance to ensure a dependable source of income. Most sex workers explained that their income
from sex work was so insufficient and highly variable that they could not save money for
investment beyond meeting survival needs. Despite such challenges, however, there were still
some who managed to set aside money to embark on activities intended to contribute to their
recovery. Some recovered former prostitutes decided to quit as soon as they discovered alternative
means such as jobs, training opportunities, and shelter. It can be argued that most prostitutes in the
study area would quit sex work if they were provided with support schemes that addressed their
short-term and long-term life concerns.
Most sex workers and those who recovered from the business reported that poverty and family
disharmony forced them to leave their homes and become prostitutes. Others left home for reasons
such as parental death and the cumulative effect of poverty. The majority of girls did not leave
their homes with the intention of becoming prostitutes. Out of desperation and frustration, they
were rather swayed into sex work largely by peers who were working as prostitutes. After entry,
some exhibited features of resilience by pulling themselves out of the exploitative situations.
Recovery from sex work for some was represented by reunion with families and reintegration into
society. Efforts made to assist the recovery of former prostitutes significantly elevated their selfesteem
and reassured them about their social relevance.
It is important to note that most recovered former commercial sex workers received help from
their friends rather than from families or NGOs. Despite the absence of meaningful external
support, the recovery experiences were largely smooth. Exposure to risks of sexual
abuse/exploitation could be reduced through economic assistance to vulnerable individuals and
families.
The study revealed that unattended children, namely, migrants, trafficked children, orphans, those
in child-headed households, and those living on the street are highly exposed to sexual
abuse/exploitation. Risks might be addressed with more active monitoring to identify the most
72

vulnerable children among this already vulnerable group, and report cases of sexual
abuse/exploitation earlier. It is also important to provide these unattended children with the
assistance they need such as educational opportunities, skills training, income generating
activities, and problem solving skills.
Most informants (children and adults) indicated that some families and most neighborhoods failed
to act as protective agencies. Some families turned deaf ears and blind eyes to risks of sexual
exploitation; neighborhoods are less vigilant and little concerned about sex offences; the feeling of
shame discourages victims and their families to report such offenses; and, in many cases, victims
of sexual assault are blamed and ashamed. Their protective role might be enhanced through
awareness raising work, enhancement of the capacities/mandates of neighborhood organizations
(e.g., idir), etc.
For the majority of the children and young women in sex work, recovery was rather difficult for
various reasons. However, this does not mean that they all are passive victims or powerless losers.
The study revealed that many have adopted coping strategies that range from legally and morally
unacceptable activities (e.g., stealing and drug use) to socially and economically appropriate
behaviours (e.g., sharing resources and saving money).
Quitting sex work seemed to be the dream of every prostitute included in the study. Most
commercial sex workers and those who recovered from the exploitative situations underlined the
presence of the strong desire among many prostitutes to disengage themselves from sex work,
which is surrounded by stigma, health risks, and different forms of sexual abuses and exploitation.
Many are reported to be practicing prostitution for lack of dependable alternative means of making
a living. When the alternatives existed, some took the opportunity to recover.
Children, parents, community leaders, and NGO representatives expressed their dissatisfaction
with the legal system in preventing sexual assault and bringing the perpetrators to justice. Most
felt that the system is ineffective in taking measures against organized gangsters, drug/substance
abusers, pornographic film distributors/screeners, child traffickers, and sexual predators. There
seems to be a need to make kebele administrations and law-enforcement agencies (e.g., the police
and the court) key players or primary partners in the effort to strengthen child protection.
The crowded neighborhoods of Merkato are filled with numerous children, many of whom were
born out of wedlock and being raised by single mothers. Mothers working as prostitutes are
reported to be practicing sex wok in the presence of their children. Access to good family planning
services might be useful in reducing the numbers of unwanted pregnancies.
The study revealed that most young women who recovered from sexual abuse/exploitation
continued to live in risky situations. Many were not reintegrated with families. Most village girls
were ashamed to return home after recovery because they have lost contact with their families and
lacked the economic resources and skills to start new lives in their respective villages. Given their
present economic and social circumstances, one cannot rule out possibilities of relapse.
The study showed that children in peer groups influenced each other's attitudes, interests, and
actions positively or negatively. Some became victims of sexual abuse/exploitation because of
their association with bad friends while others were prevented or rescued from such adversities by
good peers.
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Religious institutions have leverage on their followers. The major religious institutions in Merkato
have educational programs that involve moral instruction. A significant number of non-abused
children reported that their involvement in religious programs contributed to their resilience to
sexual abuse/exploitation.
Some schools (not most) have girls’ clubs and anti-HIV/AIDS clubs. A good number of
informants reported to have learnt how to protect themselves against sexual offenders after joining
these clubs. Besides sexual abuse/exploitation, the club members discuss such issues as sexuality,
early marriage, forced marriage, unwanted pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases.
The study revealed that individuals and businesses could make significant contributions to child
protection efforts. A case in point is Ms Zemi Yenus, the owner of NIANA Business, who
provided skills training in hair dressing to more than 2000 sex workers. Merkato is a center of
business in Addis Ababa, and the business community in the area might be mobilized to play their
part in supporting vulnerable children and facilitating the recovery efforts of commercial sex
workers.
Child protection initiatives and programs in Merkato could focus on prevention strategies
designed to reduce the risks and vulnerabilities; measures to address the concerns of children in
distress; and a learning process to gain knowledge not only from the experiences of resilient
children but also the commendable works of individuals, families, communities, and
organizations. It needs to be stressed that schools, NGOs, CBOs, religious institutions, and the
private sector have the potential to make significant contributions to child protection, alongside
the involvement of such key players as kebele administrations and law-enforcement agencies.
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Annex 1. Interview Guides
I. Interview guides for different categories of children
Category 1. Children Currently/Recently Abused/Exploited
1.1 Questions for children aged 10-13
1. Tell me what you have done today, yesterday, and the day before yesterday (Probe: ask
about school/education, play, visit, sports/games, films/videos watched, helping family,
work, etc.)
2. Tell me about yourself and your family (place and date of birth, family job,
previous/current residence, migration experience, whether one is attending school, etc.).
3. What is the nature of your relationship with you family over the years? (Probe: ask if the
relationship is caring, supportive, conflicting, broken, dysfunctional, etc.)
4. Did/do you work to support yourself/your family? (Probe: the type of work, since when,
how often, income level, work-related challenges, coping strategies/opportunities, etc.)
5. What kinds of things are difficult or challenging for you growing up here or where you
were?
6. What do you do when you face difficulties in your life? (Probe: ask how difficulties are
handled, if humor is employed, if one counts on others, if one uses, chat, alcohol, etc.)
7. Does/did anyone hurt/bother you at the moment or recently? (Probe: after confirming
sexual abuse/exploitation, ask how it started (forced, enticed) and continued)
8. If sexual abuse/exploitation was involved, do/did your parents and neighbors know about
it? If yes, how did they know, what was their reaction, and how did it affect your relation
with them? If no, why did you keep it secret?
9. If currently abused/exploited, did you try (are you trying) to get out of the existing
relations? If yes, when and what happened? If no, why didn't you try to get out of it? Tell
me if you need any specific form of support to get out of the situation.
10. If recently abused/exploited, how did you to get out of it? (Probe: ask the moments of
turning point, strategies employed, assistance obtained, incidence of recurrence, etc.)
11. What do you aspire t become in the future and how do you plan to achieve it? When did
you form this goal/hope in your mind? (Probe: ask for one's dream before, during, and after
the abuse/exploitation encounter; specific strategies dreamt/pursued, such as education,
business, and out-migration; the influence of role models; the experience of someone who
recovered; any effort made so far; etc.)
Category 1. Children Currently/Recently Abused/Exploited
1.2 Questions for children aged 14-17
1. Tell me what you have done today, yesterday, and the day before yesterday (Probe: ask
about school/education, play, visit, sports/games, films/videos watched, helping family,
work, etc.)
2. Tell me about yourself and your family (place and date of birth, socialization, educational
attendance/attainment, family relationship, religious affiliation, ethnic background,
economic status of family, previous/current residence, migration experience, etc.)
3. What is the nature of your relationship with you family over the years? (Probe: ask if the
relationship is caring, supportive, conflicting, broken, dysfunctional, etc.)
77

4. Did/do you work to support yourself/your family? (Probe: the type of work, since when,
how often, income level, work-related challenges, coping strategies/opportunities, etc.)
5. What kinds of things are difficult or challenging for you growing up here or where you
were?
6. What do you do when you face difficulties in your life? (Probe: ask how difficulties are
handled, if humor is employed, if one counts on others, if one uses chat, alcohol, etc.)
7. Did anyone make a sexual advance to you? Did you ever experience sexual intercourse?
(Probe: after confirming sexual abuse/exploitation, ask how it stated and continued)
8. If sexual abuse/exploitation was involved, do/did your parents and neighbors know about
it? If yes, how did they know, what was their reaction, and how did it affect your relation
with them? If no, why did you keep it secret?
9. If currently abused/exploited, did you try (are you trying) to get out of the existing
relations? If yes, when and what happened? If no, why didn't you try to get out of it? Tell
me if you need any specific form of support to get out of the situation.
10. If recently abused/exploited, how did you to get out of it? (Probe: ask the moments of
turning point, strategies employed, assistance obtained, incidence of recurrence, etc.)
11. What do you aspire t become in the future and how do you plan to achieve it? When did
you form this goal/hope in your mind? (Probe: ask for one's dream before, during, and after
the abuse/exploitation encounter; specific strategies dreamt/pursued, such as education,
business, and out-migration; the influence of role models; the experience of someone who
recovered; any effort made so far; etc.)
Category 1. Children Currently/Recently Abused/Exploited
1.3 Questions for children aged 18-21
1. Tell me about yourself from birth to present (place and date of birth, socialization,
educational attendance/attainment, family relationship, religious affiliation, ethnic
background, economic status of family, previous/current residence, migration experience,
etc.).
2. Did/do you work to support yourself/your family? (Probe: the type of work, since when,
how often, income level, work-related challenges, coping strategies/opportunities, etc.)
3. What is the nature of your relationship with you family over the years? (Probe: ask if the
relationship is caring, supportive, conflicting, broken, dysfunctional, etc.)
4. What kinds of things are most challenging for you growing up here or where you were?
5. What did/do you do when you face difficulties in your life? (Probe: ask how difficulties are
handled, if humor is employed, if one counts on others, if one uses drug, chat, alcohol, etc.)
6. Did you ever experience sexual abuse/exploitation? If yes, tell me where, when, and how it
happened and continued? (Probe if forced by people/situations, enticed, etc.)
7. Did/do your family/neighbors know about your sexual abusive/exploitative situation? If
yes, how did they learn, react, and the effects? If kept secret, why?
8. If currently abused/exploited, did you try (are you trying) to get out of the existing
relations? If yes, when and what happened? If no, why didn't you try to get out of it? Tell
me if you need any specific form of support to get out of the situation.
9. If recently abused/exploited, how did you to get out of it? (Probe: ask the moments of
turning point, strategies employed, assistance obtained, incidence of recurrence, etc.)
10. Do you know anyone who has recovered from abusive/exploitative situation? If yes, could
you tell me details about the person(s): who, how, when, where?
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11. What do you aspire t become in the future and how do you plan to achieve it? When did
you form this goal/hope in your mind? (Probe: ask for one's dream before, during, and after
the abuse/exploitation encounter; specific strategies dreamt/pursued, such as education,
business, and out-migration; the influence of role models; the experience of someone who
recovered; any effort made so far; etc.)
Category 2. Abused/Exploited, but Recovered/Recovering Children
2.1 Questions for children aged 10-13
1. Tell me what you have done today, yesterday, and the day before yesterday (Probe: ask
about school/education, play, visit, sports/games, films/videos watched, helping family,
work, etc.)
2. Tell me about yourself and your family (place and date of birth, family job,
previous/current residence, migration experience, whether one is attending school, etc.).
3. What is the nature of your relationship with you family over the years? (Probe: ask if the
relationship is caring, supportive, conflicting, broken, dysfunctional, etc.)
4. Did/do you work to support yourself/your family? (Probe: the type of work, since when,
how often, income level, work-related challenges, coping strategies/opportunities, etc.)
5. What kinds of things are difficult or challenging for you growing up here or where you
were?
6. What do you do when you face difficulties in your life? (Probe: ask how difficulties are
handled, if humor is employed, if one counts on others, if one uses chat, alcohol, etc.)
7. Did anyone hurt/bother you in the past? (Probe: after confirming sexual abuse and/or
exploitation, ask how it started and continued)
8. Did your family/neighbors know about your sexual abusive/exploitative situation? If yes,
how did they learn, react, and the effects? If kept secret, for how long and why?
9. How did you get out of the abusive/exploitative situation? (Probe: what contributed to the
decision, turning points, incidence of relapse, support received from others, etc.) (Probe:
ask whether the child sought help, when, how or agencies reached out to child)
10. Did you encounter any problem/challenge after recovery? If yes, mention all. (Probe: ask if
challenges are economic, social, and/or psychological; ask if the child was back or worried
of getting back to the abusive/exploitative situation and why; etc.).
11. What do you aspire t become in the future and how do you plan to achieve it? When did
you form this goal/hope in your mind? (Probe: ask for one's dream before, during, and after
the abuse/exploitation encounter; specific strategies dreamt/pursued, such as education,
business, and out-migration; the influence of role models; the experience of someone who
recovered; any effort made so far; etc.).
Category 2. Abused/Exploited, but Recovered/Recovering Children
2.2 Questions for children aged 14-17
1. Tell me about yourself and your family (place and date of birth, family job,
previous/current residence, migration experience, whether one is attending school, etc.).
2. Did/do you work to support yourself/your family? (Probe: the type of work, since when,
how often, income level, work-related challenges, coping strategies/opportunities, etc.)
3. What is the nature of your relationship with you family over the years? (Probe: ask if the
relationship is caring, supportive, conflicting, broken, dysfunctional, etc.)
79

4. What kinds of things are difficult or challenging for you growing up here or where you
were?
5. What do you do when you face difficulties in your life? (Probe: ask how difficulties are
handled, if humor is employed, if one counts on others, if one uses chat, alcohol, etc.)
6. Did anyone make a sexual advance to you? Did you ever experience sexual intercourse?
(Probe: after confirming sexual abuse/exploitation, ask how it started and continued)
7. Did your family/neighbors know about your sexual abusive/exploitative situation? If yes,
how did they learn, react, and the effects? If kept secret, for how long and why?
8. How did you get out of the abusive/exploitative situation? (Probe: what contributed to the
decision, earlier plan, persuaded by someone, turning points, steps taken from the decision
day, incidence of relapse, other details about recovery, current income level, current
relationships with family, etc.)
9. Do/did you receive any form of support from people/agencies to recover? If yes, give
details about the support. Ask whether the child sought help or an agency reached out to
the child, when, and how.
10. Do/did you encounter any problem/challenge after recovery? If yes, mention all and the
kind of support you need. (Probe: ask for the nature of challenge; if the child was back or
worries about getting back to the abusive/exploitative situation; etc.).
11. What do you aspire t become in the future and how do you plan to achieve it? When did
you form this goal/hope in your mind? (Probe: ask for one's dream before, during, and after
the abuse/exploitation encounter; specific strategies dreamt/pursued, such as education,
business, and out-migration; the influence of role models; the experience of someone who
recovered; any effort made so far; etc.).
Category 2. Abused/Exploited, but Recovered/Recovering Children
2.3 Questions for children aged 18-24
1. Tell me about yourself and your family (place and date of birth, family job,
previous/current residence, migration experience, whether one is attending school, etc.).
2. Did/do you work to support yourself/your family? (Probe: the type of work, since when,
how often, income level, work-related challenges, coping strategies/opportunities, etc.)
3. What is the nature of your relationship with you family over the years? (Probe: ask if the
relationship is caring, supportive, conflicting, broken, dysfunctional, etc.)
4. What kinds of things are difficult or challenging for you growing up here or where you
were?
5. What do you do when you face difficulties in your life? (Probe: ask how difficulties are
handled, if humor is employed, if one counts on others, if one uses chat, alcohol, etc.)
6. Did you ever experience sexual abuse/exploitation? If yes, tell me where, when, and how it
happened and continued? (Probe if forced by people/situations, enticed, etc.)
7. Did your family/neighbors know about your sexual abusive/exploitative situation? If yes,
how did they learn, react, and the effects? If kept secret, for how long and why?
8. How did you get out of the abusive/exploitative situation? (Probe: what contributed to the
decision, earlier plan, persuaded by someone, turning points, steps taken from the decision
day, incidence of relapse, other details about recovery, current income level, current
relationships with family, etc.)
9. Do/did you receive any form of support from people/agencies to recover? If yes, give
details about the support. Ask whether the child sought help or an agency reached out to
the child, when, and how.
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10. Do/did you encounter any problem/challenge after recovery? If yes, mention all and the
kind of support you need. (Probe: ask for the nature of challenge; if the child was back or
worries about getting back to the abusive/exploitative situation; etc.).
11. What do you aspire t become in the future and how do you plan to achieve it? When did
you form this goal/hope in your mind? (Probe: ask for one's dream before, during, and after
the abuse/exploitation encounter; specific strategies dreamt/pursued, such as education,
business, and out-migration; the influence of role models; the experience of someone who
recovered; any effort made so far; etc.).
Category 3. Vulnerable but None-Abused/Exploited Children
3.1 Questions for children aged 10-13
1. Tell me what you have done today, yesterday, and the day before yesterday (Probe: ask
about school/education, play, visit, sports/games, films/videos watched, helping family,
work, etc.)
2. Tell me about yourself and your family (place and date of birth, family job,
previous/current residence, migration experience, whether one is attending school, etc.).
3. What is the nature of your relationship with you family over the years? (Probe: ask if the
relationship is caring, supportive, conflicting, broken, dysfunctional, etc.)
4. Did/do you work to support yourself/your family? (Probe: the type of work, since when,
how often, income level, work-related challenges, coping strategies/opportunities, etc.)
5. What kinds of things are difficult or challenging for you growing up here or where you
were? (Probe: ask if there is prostitution, alcoholism, crime, economic hardships, etc.)
6. What do you do when you face difficulties in your life? (Probe: ask how difficulties are
handled, if humor is employed, if one counts on others, if one uses chat, alcohol, etc.)
7. Are there people in the neighborhood who make inappropriate advances to children like
you? If yes, do you know children who are sexually abused/exploited? Tell me what
happened to them. Tell me if someone has tried to approach you too. (Probe: ask who,
where, when and whether the attempt was to force, lure, etc.)
8. What exposes young children to people who make inappropriate advances? (Probe: ask for
what the child considers risks and if he/she could talk about avoiding them.)
9. Do you think that you may face sexual abuse/exploitation in the future? If yes, what makes
you think so and what kinds of support do you need to avert those risks? If no, what is the
source of your confidence?
10. Where/how did you learn about protecting oneself from abusers/exploiters? (Probe if
family members, peers, religion, school, etc. played role).
11. What do you aspire t become in the future and how do you plan to achieve it? When did
you form this goal/hope in your mind? (Probe: ask for specific strategies dreamt/pursued,
such as education, business, and out-migration; the influence of role models; any effort
made so far; etc.).
Category 3. Vulnerable but None-Abused/Exploited Children
3.2 Questions for children aged 14-17
1. Tell me about yourself and your family (place and date of birth, family job,
previous/current residence, migration experience, whether one is attending school, etc.).
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2. Did/do you work to support yourself/your family? (Probe: the type of work, since when,
how often, income level, work-related challenges, coping strategies/opportunities, etc.)
3. What is the nature of your relationship with you family over the years? (Probe: ask if the
relationship is caring, supportive, conflicting, broken, dysfunctional, etc.)
4. What kinds of things are difficult or challenging for you growing up here or where you
were? (Probe: ask if there is prostitution, alcoholism, crime, economic hardships, etc.)
5. What do you do when you face difficulties in your life? (Probe: ask how difficulties are
handled, if humor is employed, if one counts on others, if one uses chat, alcohol, etc.)
6. Are there people in the neighborhood who try to sexually abuse/exploit children/youth like
you? If yes, do you know children/youth who are sexually abused/exploited? Tell me what
happened to them. Tell me if someone has tried to approach you too. (Probe: ask who,
where, when and whether the attempt was to force, lure, etc.)
7. What do you think exposes young children/youth to sexual abusers/ exploiters? (Probe: ask
for what the informant considers risks and if he/she could talk about avoiding them)
8. Do you think that you may face sexual abuse/exploitation in the future? If yes, what makes
you think so and what kinds of support do you need to avert those risks? If no, what is the
source of your confidence?
9. Where/how did you learn about protecting oneself from abusers/exploiters? (Probe if
family members, peers, religion, school, etc. played role).
10. What do you aspire t become in the future and how do you plan to achieve it? When did
you form this goal/hope in your mind? (Probe: ask for specific strategies dreamt/pursued,
such as education, business, and out-migration; the influence of role models; any effort
made so far; etc.).
11. Did you receive any support to pursue your dream? (Probe: ask if one obtained/obtains
idea, material, financial, technical, etc. help from family, relatives, and other sources).
Category 3. Vulnerable but None-Abused/Exploited Children
3.3 Questions for children aged 18-24
1. Tell me about yourself and your family (place and date of birth, family job,
previous/current residence, migration experience, whether one is attending school, etc.).
2. Did/do you work to support yourself/your family? (Probe: the type of work, since when,
how often, income level, work-related challenges, coping strategies/opportunities, etc.)
3. What is the nature of your relationship with you family over the years? (Probe: ask if the
relationship is caring, supportive, conflicting, broken, dysfunctional, etc.)
4. What kinds of things are difficult or challenging for you growing up here or where you
were? (Probe: ask if there is prostitution, alcoholism, crime, economic hardships, etc.)
5. What do you do when you face difficulties in your life? (Probe: ask how difficulties are
handled, if humor is employed, if one counts on others, if one uses chat, alcohol, etc.)
6. Are there people in the neighborhood who try to sexually abuse/exploit children/youth like
you? If yes, do you know children/youth who are sexually abused/exploited? Tell me what
happened to them. Tell me if someone has tried to approach you too. (Probe: ask who,
where, when and whether the attempt was to force, lure, etc.)
7. What do you think exposes young children/youth to sexual abusers/ exploiters? (Probe: ask
for what the informant considers risks and if he/she could talk about avoiding them)
8. Do you think that you may face sexual abuse/exploitation in the future? If yes, what makes
you think so and what kinds of support do you need to avert those risks? If no, what is the
source of your confidence?
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9. Where/how did you learn about protecting oneself from abusers/exploiters? (Probe if
family members, peers, religion, school, etc. played role).
10. What do you aspire t become in the future and how do plan to achieve it? When did you
form this goal/hope in your mind? (Probe: ask for specific strategies dreamt/pursued, such
as education, business, and out-migration; the influence of role models; any effort made so
far; etc.).
11. Did you receive any support to pursue your dream? (Probe: ask if one obtained/obtains
idea, material, financial, technical, etc. help from family, relatives, and other sources).
II. Interview Guides for Parents of Three Categories of Children
A. For Parents of Children Currently/Recently Abused/Exploited
1. Does your neighborhood present any challenge for children to grow up without being
abused/exploited? If yes, what are the vulnerability and risk factors? (Probe: check if
poverty, prostitution, etc are mentioned; ask if the risk has always been there or new.) If
no, what makes this neighborhood safer/better than others? If there are worse places,
specify the location(s) and explain what makes them worse.
2. Has your child(ren) ever been abused/exploited? If yes, when/how, how did you learn
about it, how did you react to it, and how did it affect your relation with your child?
3. What could have been done to avoid it? Whose fault do you think it was? (Probe: ask if the
abuser/exploiter, the child, the family, or any other agency was held responsible)
4. What is the current situation of your child? If currently abused/exploited, did you try (are
you trying) to get her/him out? If yes, what did you do and what happened? If no, why not?
If recently abused/exploited, how did he/she get out of it? Does she/he face risks of
relapse?
5. All children are not victims of child sexual abuse/exploitation. Some remain resilient,
while others try to recover from such ordeals. What explains the behavior of resilient (nonabused)
children? How about the behaviors of those try to recover from abuse and
exploitation and those who continue to be abused/exploited?
B. For Parents of Abused/Exploited, but Recovered/Recovering Children
1. Does your neighborhood present any challenge for children to grow up without being
abused/exploited? If yes, what are the vulnerability and risk factors? (Probe: check if
poverty, prostitution, etc are mentioned; ask if the risk has always been there or new.) If
no, what makes this neighborhood safer/better than others? If there are worse places,
specify the location(s) and explain what makes them worse.
2. Did anyone abuse/exploit your child? If yes, when/how did it happen, how/when did you
learn, how did you react to it, and how did it affect your relation with your child?
3. What could have been done to avoid it? Whose fault do you think it was? (Probe: ask if the
abuser/exploiter, the child, the family, or any other agency was held responsible)
4. How did your child recover from the abusive/exploitative situation? (Probe: ask if the child
helped herself/himself, helped by parents/relatives, helped by agencies, etc.).
5. All children are not victims of child sexual abuse/exploitation. Some remain resilient,
while others try to recover from such ordeals. What explains the behavior of resilient (nonabused)
children? How about the behaviors of those try to recover from abuse and
exploitation and those who continue to be abused/exploited?
C. For Parents of Vulnerable but None-Abused/Exploited Children
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1. Does your neighborhood present any challenge for children to grow up without being
abused/exploited? If yes, what are the vulnerability and risk factors? (Probe: check if
poverty, prostitution, etc are mentioned; ask if the risk has always been there or new.)
2. Do you know any abused/exploited child(ren) in your neighborhood? If yes, when/how did
it happen, how did you learn about it, and how did you react to it?
3. What could have been done to avoid what happened to the neighbors child(ren)? Whose
fault do you think it was? (Probe: ask if the abuser/exploiter, the child, the family, or any
other agency was held responsible)
4. How did your child avoid risks of sexual abuse/exploitation? (Probe: ask if it has to do
with child's personality, family help, culture, religion, school, help by agency, etc).
5. All children are not resilient to sexual abuse/exploitation. What explains the behavior of
resilient (non-abused) children? How about the behaviors of those try to recover from
abuse and exploitation and those who continue to be abused/exploited?
III. Interview Guides for NGO Representatives
1. What is the particular area of concern that your project strives to address in relation to
child issues?
2. How serious a problem are child sexual abuse and sexual exploitation in the area of your
project intervention?
3. What forms do child sexual abuse and sexual exploitation take in your project community?
(Probe for: the forms of the practice for female and male children and older girls and
boys)
4. What are the factors that expose children and young people to sexual abuse and sexual
exploitation in the area where you operate? (Probe for: external circumstances such as
family problems, environmental situations or internal factors existing within individual
children) What are the factors that expose particularly male children and young boys to
sexual abuse?
5. Which of these factors are more or less likely to expose children in your project localities
to the problems of child sexual abuse and child sexual exploitation and why?
6. Have you observed children who manage to avoid becoming forced or lured into sexual
abuse and sexual exploitation, regardless of living in the risk situations? What type of
children are the ones that manage to do so? What factors or qualities (in the children, in the
family, neighborhood, school, or the wider community) help to protect these children?
7. What type of children are those that are particularly vulnerable to becoming the objects of
sexual abuse and sexual exploitation? Why do such children succumb to these adversities,
whereas others of like age, and family and environmental background happen to avoid
them?
8. Have you made observations of children who have succeeded in extracting themselves
from sexually abusive and sexually exploitative situations, once they have experienced
living under these circumstances? What do you think lies behind the success of these
children in pulling themselves out of these situations?
9. Have you witnessed cases in which children slip back into the life sexual abuse and sexual
exploitation, once they have successfully lifted themselves out of the situation? How
common is such experience and why does it happen at all?
10. Based on your observations and lessons from project implementation, what types of
support do children require to stay out of sexually abusive and sexual exploitative
situations, succeed in pulling themselves out in case they find themselves forced or enticed
into the problems, and avoid the possibility of relapse after getting out?
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Annex 2. Thematic areas for data organization and transcription
Vulnerable, Non-abused/exploited
1. Daily routine
2. Family and personal background
3. Nature of family relationship
4. Type of work done to support family and self
5. Difficulties/challenges in the neighborhood acting as vulnerability factors to CSAE
6. Behavior/coping strategies when faced with problems
7. Knowledge about sexual abuse/exploitation/any children who may have been victims
8. Protection of self against sexual abuse/exploitation (including personal experience and
assistance obtained)
9. Worry of becoming abused/exploited
10. Future aspirations and methods of achievement
Currently/recently abused/exploited
1. Daily routine
2. Family and personal background
3. Nature of family relationship
4. Type of work done to support family and self
5. Difficulties/challenges in the neighborhood acting as vulnerability factors to CSAE
6. Behavior/coping strategies when faced with problems
7. Experience of abuse/exploitation or worry that it may be repeated
8. Knowledge of parents/neighbors about the situation
9. Intention or attempt to get out of the situation and support obtained
10. Future aspirations and methods of achievement
Recovered/recovering
1. Daily routine
2. Family and personal background
3. Nature of family relationship
4. Type of work done to support family and self
5. Difficulties/challenges in the neighborhood acting as vulnerability factors to CSAE
6. Behavior/coping strategies when faced with problems
7. Experience of abuse/exploitation or worry that it may be repeated
8. Knowledge of parents/neighbors about the situation
9 Process of recover
� Pre-recovery challenges/opportunities
� Moment of recovery
� Post-recovery challenges/opportunities
� Support obtained
10. Future aspirations and methods of achievement
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