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Bukovica engleski.qxd 15.3.2003 13:53 Page 14 14 Bukovica ence of these ”strangers, but when push came to shove people realized that these guys together with the VJ were ensuring peace for them.“ Davidović on several occasions said publicly that volunteers ”with extreme nationalistic sentiments and armed to the teeth“ were coming from the war zones in Bosnia. 23 Writing about the presence of the federal police force, Monitor reported: ”People say that the situation went back to normal when one group of special police was there but worsened with the arrival of another. They noticed these new Special Forces men keeping company with those who spread fear in Pljevlja and even joining them in shooting off their weapons when drunk.“ 24 3. Pljevlja The closest towns to Pljevlja municipality across the Bosnian border are Čajniče, Goražde and Foča. The atmosphere of war from Bosnia soon spilled over into this Montenegrin municipality and, as it had done earlier with the dominantly Serb Krajina region in Croatia and parts of Vojvodina populated by ethnic Croats and Hungarians, the ruling Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) left Montenegro to the SRS. The Radicals in border areas with Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina liked to describe themselves as ”guards of the frontiers of Serbdom and committed combatants for the Serb cause.“ The attacks on Pljevlja Muslims led the Montenegrin government to question the Serbian doctrine, which in turn raised the issue of Montenegro’s loyalty to Serbia. Following instructions from Belgrade, the Montenegrin authorities had participated in creating an irregular 23 ”Investigation Is Underway,“ Monitor, Podgorica, 18 July 1992.. 24 ”Agony Prolonged,“ Monitor, Podgorica, 24 July 1992.
Bukovica engleski.qxd 15.3.2003 13:53 Page 15 Humanitarian Law Center political situation in the north of their republic. Thus Montenegrin Liberal Alliance election rallies in November 1992 were banned in many places. As Monitor editor-in-chief Miodrag Perović wrote: ”The partial political isolation of northern Montenegro has increased the possibility of a civil war breaking out in that area. Chetnik gangs with the help of corrupt police and VJ soldiers will attempt to trigger it.“ 25 This kind of atmosphere was generated mainly by the leaders of the SRS in Serbia and Montenegro, Vojislav Šešelj and Mirko Jović, who, on the pretext of opposing Montenegrin separatism and secession, exacerbated the problems between the two republics and encouraged the upsurge of nationalism. Soon after the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina broke out, armed Bosnian Serbs, wounded, and refugee women and children began arriving in Pljevlja. More and more Muslim-owned stores were blown up and the situation became so serious that the then Yugoslav President Dobrica Ćosić came to the town in late July together with President Bulatović. Speaking of the destruction of Muslim property, the municipality’s Mayor Momčilo Bojović said that ”a belated Serb national romanticism is at work and is being expressed in ways that no one likes.“ 26 In an attempt to evenly distribute the blame, Bulatović for the first time mentioned ”eighty or so young men from this area who are in the Green Berets.“ 27 Meeting with the President of the Pljevlja Islamic Community, Hakija Ajanović, President Ćosić said: ”There are different kinds of Chetnik groups, White Eagles, men whose motives are crime and plun- 25 ”In Milošević’s Jaws,“ Monitor, Podgorica, 27 November 1992. 26 ”Tell Us, Mr President,“ NIN, Belgrade, 21 August 1992. 27 Ibid. 15
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