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-446-<br />

about 140 Liberian rubber farmers. In 1962 their number had risen<br />

to nearly 3,000 (60). By the end of 1966 they numbered well over<br />

4,000 (61).<br />

Not all of these rubber growers were of the same economic importance.<br />

Firestone provided these farmers, the nucleus of which was<br />

formed by prominent government officials or former government employees,<br />

with necessary advice,^materials and equipment. <strong>The</strong> produce<br />

of these farms was subsequently sold to Firestone. As Firestone<br />

was the only foreign rubber producer until about 1960, the<br />

interests of the Firestone Plantations Company and those of the<br />

Liberian rubber producers thus became closely linked.<br />

An investigation made for the period of the early 195O's, revealed<br />

that the Firestone assistance was exclusively performed for<br />

plantations owned by Americo-Liberians: all 92 Liberian rubber<br />

plantations visited by the company's Farm Advisor in 1952/1953<br />

were owned by Americo-Liberians. During the same period field inspections<br />

of 16 farms were made. <strong>The</strong>se were exclusively owned by<br />

Americo-Liberians. <strong>The</strong> mapping and retasking of 10 Liberian rubber<br />

farms also benefited solely Americo-Liberian owners such as<br />

C.D.B. King, J.T. Phillips, W.R. Tolbert, R.S.S. Bright, J, Emery<br />

Knight and others. Nothing was charged by Firestone for performing<br />

these services (62). In this reporting period, Firestone also,<br />

freely distributed rubber stumps in accordance with the size of<br />

the rubber farms: the larger the farm the more stumps would be<br />

provided. Thus, McKinley A. DeShield, the Secretary-General of<br />

the True Whig Party and Postmaster-General, was given 10,000<br />

stumps in 1953 (63).<br />

As most of these beneficiaries occupied important positions in<br />

the Government, their dependence on Firestone with respect to<br />

technical and material support as well as for the sales of their<br />

produce, was skilfully exploited by the North American rubber<br />

company. In case of a strike, Firestone's immediate reaction has<br />

always been to suspend the purchase of rubber from Liberian farmers<br />

until the dispute had been settled (64). It should be remembered<br />

that the U.S. rubber company had no obligation to buy rubber<br />

from Liberian producers. <strong>The</strong>se strikes, which were invariably<br />

caused by the company's wage level and the working and living<br />

conditions en the plantations, were subsequently ruthlessly dealt<br />

with by the Administration.<br />

This dependence is clearly illustrated by the purchases of rubber<br />

on the part of Firestone. In 1952, 72.9 percent of Firestone's<br />

rubber purchases at Harbel were supplied by only 45 Liberian rubber<br />

growers, most of whom were absentee-farmers, i.e. Government<br />

officials. <strong>The</strong> overall number of Liberian planters in that year<br />

was 792 (65). This characteristic feature of the ownership., structure<br />

of the Liberian rubber plantations has hardly changed.*A<br />

quarter of a century later, in 1977, among the ten largest Liberian<br />

rubber producers in the Harbel area were Harry L. Morris;'<br />

W.V.S. Tubman, R.S.S. Bright, Charles D. Sherman and W.R. Tolbert,<br />

Jr. In Maryland County, about 25 percent of all rubber sales to<br />

Firestone-Cavalla came from one single plantation, the W.V.S.

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