Confronting Partner Abuse in Activist Communities - Incite!
Confronting Partner Abuse in Activist Communities - Incite! Confronting Partner Abuse in Activist Communities - Incite!
The Revolution Starts at Home also have much learning and growth to do in terms of responding to harms directed at us from outside of our immediate networks: How do we hold people accountable for the harm they do when we don’t have interpersonal relationships? In this moment, we have few, if any options for responses to racist, sexist, queerphobic and/or transphobic violence from people we don’t know. But in a political moment where liberals and moderates are beginning to locate hate violence on their radar, and engage with the state in responding, it’s critical that we examine our choice in language, strategy, and its impacts on our communities and the work of transformation. For instance, from the well- and less-publicized cases of Vincent Chin to Gwen Araujo and Sakia Gunn to the more recent Jersey Four–all survivors and victims of hate violence–what’s the impact when commentators, organizers, and/or cultural workers lead with the language of “hate crimes”? Defining hate violence as a crime, thus criminalizing it, enables people to be convicted of the crime and thrown into prison. We can ask similar questions of ourselves about this response as we do now of the impact of criminalizing domestic violence: What was the impact of pushing for a criminal legal response to this form of partner abuse? Did sending partners to prison, an environment and structure rooted in abuse, exploitation, and misogyny fostered by the state, make sense as a strategy to stop patterns of abuse and exploitation at home? We now know that this approach didn’t work, and that it did play a role in growing the use and justification for policing and imprisonment and expanding their harmful impact on our communities. Similarly, what is the impact of efforts to enact “hate crime” legislation and other policy efforts to limit the use of the “gay panic defense”? While such defenses are clearly absurd, efforts to limit their use ultimately are about being able to 62 criminalize people. And when we’re facing the challenge of ending hate violence, does it make sense to respond to hate violence by calling for people to be sent into an institution that plays such an integral role in maintaining and strengthening white supremacy, the gender binary, and heteronormativity? When the only response put before us is to look for “justice” via the criminal legal system, when the enormity of what we’re facing seems as insurmountable as they do, it’s extremely hard to imagine another way. But tapping into our collective courage to dare to dream the world we want to live in is our fundamental task in the work of transformation. It’s organizing against imprisonment with people in women’s prisons and formerly imprisoned trans women–many of whom are survivors of violence at the hands of the state, and at home and/or on the streets prior to their imprisonment, many of whom are queer and/or trans people of color–that’s shown me more and more each day that investing any more of our collective “ideas, lives, and spirits” into the criminal legal system is futile–they will only continue to be “squashed by the bureaucracy and…total abuse and dehumanization,” as Misty Rojo said on The We That Sets Us Free. “It’s time we learned to stand up.” While we have a long ways to go, people have begun to take leadership. In 2005, members of the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), INCITE!, Justice Now, the Transgender, Gender Variant, and Intersex Justice Project (TGJIP), and others convened and participated in a conversation about community-based responses to harm at Creating Change. Our intent was to push ourselves and the broader LGBT movement to be accountable to all parts of our queer and trans networks, including folks directly impacted by intersecting forms of violence. And the AFSC published and distributed the pamphlet “Close to Home: Developing In-
novative, Community-Based Responses to Anti-LGBT Violence,” in which they wrote, “Violence against LGBT people and other targeted groups is an explosive symptom of already shattered social, economic, cultural, and religious relationships in our communities, and of the fear, rage, and resentment that is the result of those shattered relationships. The problem isn’t ‘out there,’ located only in the beliefs and actions of the pathological few; it exists much closer to home.” ❚ 63 Confronting Partner Abuse in Activist Communities
- Page 11 and 12: use that against me. She wasn’t a
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The Revolution Starts at Home<br />
also have much learn<strong>in</strong>g and growth to do<br />
<strong>in</strong> terms of respond<strong>in</strong>g to harms directed at<br />
us from outside of our immediate networks:<br />
How do we hold people accountable for the<br />
harm they do when we don’t have <strong>in</strong>terpersonal<br />
relationships?<br />
In this moment, we have few, if any options<br />
for responses to racist, sexist, queerphobic<br />
and/or transphobic violence from people we<br />
don’t know. But <strong>in</strong> a political moment where<br />
liberals and moderates are beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g to locate<br />
hate violence on their radar, and engage<br />
with the state <strong>in</strong> respond<strong>in</strong>g, it’s critical that<br />
we exam<strong>in</strong>e our choice <strong>in</strong> language, strategy,<br />
and its impacts on our communities and the<br />
work of transformation.<br />
For <strong>in</strong>stance, from the well- and less-publicized<br />
cases of V<strong>in</strong>cent Ch<strong>in</strong> to Gwen Araujo<br />
and Sakia Gunn to the more recent Jersey<br />
Four–all survivors and victims of hate violence–what’s<br />
the impact when commentators,<br />
organizers, and/or cultural workers lead with<br />
the language of “hate crimes”? Def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g hate<br />
violence as a crime, thus crim<strong>in</strong>aliz<strong>in</strong>g it, enables<br />
people to be convicted of the crime and<br />
thrown <strong>in</strong>to prison. We can ask similar questions<br />
of ourselves about this response as we<br />
do now of the impact of crim<strong>in</strong>aliz<strong>in</strong>g domestic<br />
violence: What was the impact of push<strong>in</strong>g<br />
for a crim<strong>in</strong>al legal response to this form of<br />
partner abuse? Did send<strong>in</strong>g partners to prison,<br />
an environment and structure rooted <strong>in</strong><br />
abuse, exploitation, and misogyny fostered<br />
by the state, make sense as a strategy to stop<br />
patterns of abuse and exploitation at home?<br />
We now know that this approach didn’t work,<br />
and that it did play a role <strong>in</strong> grow<strong>in</strong>g the use<br />
and justification for polic<strong>in</strong>g and imprisonment<br />
and expand<strong>in</strong>g their harmful impact<br />
on our communities. Similarly, what is the<br />
impact of efforts to enact “hate crime” legislation<br />
and other policy efforts to limit the<br />
use of the “gay panic defense”? While such<br />
defenses are clearly absurd, efforts to limit<br />
their use ultimately are about be<strong>in</strong>g able to<br />
62<br />
crim<strong>in</strong>alize people. And when we’re fac<strong>in</strong>g<br />
the challenge of end<strong>in</strong>g hate violence, does<br />
it make sense to respond to hate violence by<br />
call<strong>in</strong>g for people to be sent <strong>in</strong>to an <strong>in</strong>stitution<br />
that plays such an <strong>in</strong>tegral role <strong>in</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />
and strengthen<strong>in</strong>g white supremacy,<br />
the gender b<strong>in</strong>ary, and heteronormativity?<br />
When the only response put before us is to<br />
look for “justice” via the crim<strong>in</strong>al legal system,<br />
when the enormity of what we’re fac<strong>in</strong>g<br />
seems as <strong>in</strong>surmountable as they do, it’s<br />
extremely hard to imag<strong>in</strong>e another way. But<br />
tapp<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to our collective courage to dare to<br />
dream the world we want to live <strong>in</strong> is our<br />
fundamental task <strong>in</strong> the work of transformation.<br />
It’s organiz<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st imprisonment<br />
with people <strong>in</strong> women’s prisons and formerly<br />
imprisoned trans women–many of whom<br />
are survivors of violence at the hands of the<br />
state, and at home and/or on the streets<br />
prior to their imprisonment, many of whom<br />
are queer and/or trans people of color–that’s<br />
shown me more and more each day that <strong>in</strong>vest<strong>in</strong>g<br />
any more of our collective “ideas,<br />
lives, and spirits” <strong>in</strong>to the crim<strong>in</strong>al legal<br />
system is futile–they will only cont<strong>in</strong>ue to<br />
be “squashed by the bureaucracy and…total<br />
abuse and dehumanization,” as Misty Rojo<br />
said on The We That Sets Us Free. “It’s time<br />
we learned to stand up.”<br />
While we have a long ways to go, people<br />
have begun to take leadership. In 2005,<br />
members of the American Friends Service<br />
Committee (AFSC), INCITE!, Justice Now,<br />
the Transgender, Gender Variant, and Intersex<br />
Justice Project (TGJIP), and others<br />
convened and participated <strong>in</strong> a conversation<br />
about community-based responses to harm<br />
at Creat<strong>in</strong>g Change. Our <strong>in</strong>tent was to push<br />
ourselves and the broader LGBT movement<br />
to be accountable to all parts of our queer<br />
and trans networks, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g folks directly<br />
impacted by <strong>in</strong>tersect<strong>in</strong>g forms of violence.<br />
And the AFSC published and distributed the<br />
pamphlet “Close to Home: Develop<strong>in</strong>g In-