Down to the wire : confronting climate collapse / David - Index of
Down to the wire : confronting climate collapse / David - Index of
Down to the wire : confronting climate collapse / David - Index of
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millennial hope S 177<br />
United States in 2005–2006 had 17.5 million students and 2.7<br />
million faculty and staff, spent $364 billion, and added $28 billion<br />
<strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir endowments (Eagan et al., 2008, p. 8). In o<strong>the</strong>r words,<br />
schools, colleges, and universities have considerable leverage on<br />
our possibilities. Were <strong>the</strong>y <strong>to</strong> exercise <strong>the</strong>ir leadership not only<br />
<strong>to</strong> educate generations <strong>of</strong> ecologically literate change makers but<br />
also <strong>to</strong> use <strong>the</strong>ir buying and investment power <strong>to</strong> build local and<br />
regional resilience, <strong>the</strong>y could greatly speed <strong>the</strong> transition <strong>to</strong> a<br />
decent future.<br />
The third transition is far more diffi cult: <strong>the</strong> reform <strong>of</strong> our<br />
political life. We live amidst <strong>the</strong> ruins <strong>of</strong> failed isms. Communism<br />
and socialism surely failed, but for different reasons. Capitalism as<br />
it is presently practiced, however, is not far behind in <strong>the</strong> race <strong>to</strong><br />
oblivion. The fi rst two failed because <strong>the</strong>y promised <strong>to</strong>o much<br />
and delivered <strong>to</strong>o little at <strong>to</strong>o high a cost. Global capitalism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
neoliberal variety is failing because it delivers <strong>to</strong>o much <strong>to</strong> <strong>to</strong>o<br />
few far <strong>to</strong>o destructively. With enough his<strong>to</strong>rical perspective, <strong>the</strong><br />
differences among <strong>the</strong>se three systems will seem very small, ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
like those minute doctrinal quarrels that fueled religious wars<br />
over <strong>the</strong> centuries. They differ mainly about who owns <strong>the</strong> means<br />
<strong>of</strong> production, but not a whit about <strong>the</strong> priority <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
growth. In <strong>the</strong> meantime, neoconservative devotees in <strong>the</strong> United<br />
States have dismantled much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capacity for governance in a<br />
fi t <strong>of</strong> what Vaclav Havel calls “market madness,” which “can be<br />
as dangerous as Marxist ideology” (Havel, 1992, p. 66). In fact,<br />
ideologues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> extreme right in <strong>the</strong>ir neocon phase bear a distinct<br />
intellectual and behavioral resemblance <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> communists<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union. Both cultivated <strong>the</strong> arts <strong>of</strong> ruthlessness and<br />
manipulation without a fl icker <strong>of</strong> self-doubt about <strong>the</strong>ir particular<br />
ends justifying <strong>the</strong>ir means.<br />
The solutions, long obvious <strong>to</strong> serious students <strong>of</strong> democracy,<br />
are <strong>to</strong> end <strong>the</strong> new gilded age in jackboots by removing money<br />
changers from <strong>the</strong> elec<strong>to</strong>ral process once and for all, along with<br />
<strong>the</strong> infl uence peddlers who descend like locusts on Congress.