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The Project Gutenberg eBook of ... 17. I conjecture malleo (a hammer) for the corrupt malcho, and think that in the second ed. some comparison from building operations to illustrate the fixity of knowledge gained through the ? ata???e?? was added to a passage which would correspond in substance with 27 of the Lucullus. I note in Vitruvius, quoted by Forc. s.v. malleolus, a similar expression (naves malleolis confixae) and in Pliny Nat. Hist. XXXIV. 14 navis fixa malleo. Adfixa therefore in this passage must have agreed with some lost noun either in the neut. plur. or fem. sing. 18. This and fragm. 19 evidently hang very closely together. As Krische notes, the Stoic e?a??e? a had evidently been translated earlier in the book by perspicuitas as in Luc. 17. 19. See on Luc. 57. BOOK IV. Further information on all these passages will be found in my notes on the parallel passages of the Lucullus. 21. Viam evidently a mistake for the umbram of Luc. 70. 23. The best MS. of Nonius points to flavum for ravum (Luc. 105). Most likely an alteration was made in the second edition, as Krische supposes, p. 64. 28. Corpusculis: Luc. 121 has corporibus. Krische's opinion that this latter word was in the second edition changed into the former may be supported from I. 6, which he does not notice. The conj. is confirmed by Aug. Contr. Ac. III. 23. 29. Magnis obscurata: in Luc. 122 it is crassis occultata, so that we have another alteration, see Krische, p. 64. 30. Only slight differences appear in the MSS. of the Luc. 123, viz. contraria, for in c., ad vestigia for contra v. 31. Luc. 137 has dixi for dictus. As Cic. does not often leave out est with the passive verb, Nonius has probably quoted wrongly. It will be noted that the fragments of Book III. correspond to the first half of the Luc., those of Book IV. to the second half. Cic. therefore divided the Luc. into two portions at or about 63. UNCERTAIN BOOKS. 32. I have already said that this most likely belonged to the preliminary assault on the senses made by Cic. in the second book. 33. In the Introd. p. 55 I have given my opinion that the substance of Catulus' speech which unfolded the doctrine of the probabile was incorporated with Cicero's speech in the second book of this edition. To that part this fragment must probably be referred. 34. This important fragment clearly belongs to Book II., and is a jocular application of the Carneadean probabile, as may be seen from the words probabiliter posse confici. 35. Krische assigns this to the end of Varro's speech in the third Book. With this opinion I find it quite impossible to agree. A passage in the Lucullus (60) proves to demonstration that in the first edition this allusion to the esoteric teaching of the Academy could only have occurred either in the speech of Catulus or in that of Cicero. As no reason whatever appears to account for its transference to Varro I prefer to regard it as belonging to Cic.'s exposition of the positive side of Academic doctrine in the second book. Cic. repeatedly insists that the Academic school must not be supposed to have no truths to maintain, see Luc. 119, also 66 and N.D. I. 12. Also Aug. Contra. Ac. II. 29. 36. It is difficult to see where this passage could have been included if not in that prooemium to http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14970/14970-h/14970-h.htm[1/5/2010 10:31:57 AM]
The Project Gutenberg eBook of ... the third book which is mentioned Ad. Att. XVI. 6, 4. I may here add that Krische seems to me wrong in holding that the whole four books formed one discussion, finished within the limits of a single day. Why interrupt the discussion by the insertion of a prologue of so general a nature as to be taken from a stock which Cic. kept on hand ready made? (Cf. Ad Att. as above.) Besides the actual fragments of the second edition, many indications of its contents are preserved in the work of Augustine entitled Contra Academicos, which, though written in support of dogmatic opinions, imitated throughout the second edition of the Academica of Cic. No writings of the Classical period had so great an influence on the culture and opinions of Augustine as the Academica and the lost Hortensius. I give, partly from Krische, the scattered indications of the contents of the former which are to be gathered from the bishop's works. In Aug. Contr. Ac. II. 14, 15, we have what appears to be a summary of the lost part of Book I. to the following effect. The New Academy must not be regarded as having revolted against the Old, all that it did was to discuss that new doctrine of ?ata????? advanced by Zeno. The doctrine of a?ata????a though present to the minds of the ancients had never taken distinct shape, because it had met with no opposition. The Old Academy was rather enriched than attacked by the New. Antiochus, in adopting Stoicism under the name of the Old Academy, made it appear that there was a strife between it and the New. With Antiochus the historical exposition of Cic. must have ended. From this portion of the first book, Aug. derived his opinion (Contra. Ac. II. 1) that New Academicism was excusable from the necessities of the age in which it appeared. Indications of Book II. in Aug. are scarce, but to it I refer Contra. Ac. I. 7 placuit Ciceroni nostro beatum esse qui verum investigat etiam si ad eius inventionem non valeat pervenire, also ibid. III. 10 illis (Academicis) placuit esse posse hominem sapientem, et tamen in hominem scientiam cadere non posse. These I refer to Cicero's development of the probabile in Book II., although I ought to say that Krische, p. 65, maintains that the substance of Catulus' exposition in the Ac. Priora transferred to Book IV. of the Ac. Posteriora. As this would leave very meagre material for Book II., nothing indeed excepting the provisional proof of the deceptiveness of the senses, I cannot accede to his arrangement; mine, I may remark, involves a much smaller departure from the first edition. Allusions in Aug. to the attack on the senses by Cic. in Book II. are difficult to fix, as they apply equally well to the later attack in Book IV. As to Books III. and IV., I do not think it necessary here to prove from Aug. the points of agreement between them and the Lucullus, which will find a better place in my notes on the latter, but merely give the divergences which appear from other sources. These are the translation of s?f?sµata by cavillationes in Luc. 75 (Seneca Ep. III.), and the insertion in 118 of essentia as a translation of ??s?a. BOOK II. ENTITLED LUCULLUS. §§1—12. Summary. Lucullus, though an able and cultivated man, was absent from Rome on public service too long during his earlier years to attain to glory in the forum (1). He unexpectedly proved a great general. This was due to his untiring study and his marvellous memory (2). He had to wait long for the reward of his merits as a commander and civil administrator, and was allowed no triumph till just before my consulship. What I owed to him in those troublous times I cannot now tell (3). He was not merely a general; he was also a philosopher, having learned much from Antiochus and read much for himself (4). Those enemies of Greek culture who think a Roman noble ought not to know philosophy, must be referred to the examples of Cato and Africanus (5). Others think that famous men should not be introduced into dialogues of the kind. Are they then, when they meet, to be silent or to talk about trifles? I, in applying myself to philosophy, have neglected no public duty, nor do I think the fame of illustrious citizens diminished, but enriched, by a reputation for philosophical knowledge (6). Those who hold that the interlocutors in http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14970/14970-h/14970-h.htm[1/5/2010 10:31:57 AM]
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