HERMANN HESSE AND THE DIALECTICS OF TIME Salvatore C. P. ...
HERMANN HESSE AND THE DIALECTICS OF TIME Salvatore C. P. ... HERMANN HESSE AND THE DIALECTICS OF TIME Salvatore C. P. ...
celestial dance and the human communion underlying the round dance also has its dark side. 106 As a reaction to the fatalism of the turn of the century, dancing acts as a catalyst and outlet for vital instincts and, as Salmen points out, popular dances have no longer the gallant aplomb of the preceding century but are characterized by frenetic movements instead: Suddenly after 1890 dances, rhythms, gestures, and dancing attire shattered the conventions of the upper middle-class ball culture [...] Those who defended 'academic' dance and the previous norm universally diagnosed the development as a contagious neurosis that originated with dances like the Boston, Cakewalk, Tango, Onestep, or Ragtime. 107 (210) The narrator of Das Glasperlenspiel, commenting on the 'zynisch[e] Gelassenheit oder bacchantisch[e] Hingerissenheit' (SW 5, 20) characteristic of 'das feuillettonistische Zeitalter', which transfers the early twentieth century into the fiction of the novel, stresses the importance of dance as a way to fight the resigned pessimism ('Untergangsstimmung') of the age: 'man ging tanzen und erklarte jede Sorge um die Zukunft fur altvaterische Torheit' (ibid.). The urge to oppose the fear of death by means of frenzied amusement in the early twentieth century pervades popular dances to an extent that these may, at times, appear as collective apotropaic rituals evoking, by analogy with the need to dispel the fears aroused by the plague sweeping across Europe around the middle of the fourteenth century, the medieval Dance of Death. 108 Hesse captures this attitude 106 As Salmen notes, the idea of brotherhood and communion by way of dance also makes its way into the paintings of the period (see Matisse's La dame (1901)): 'The will to live in social union, to overcome alienation, and to discover identity through action was manifested most clearly in pictures in which free people dancing the round dance bound themselves to one another' (222). Although it is difficult to trace its exact origins, the idea of the 'celestial dance' probably emerged in connection with rituals inspired by the revolutions of the stars in remote prehistoric times. In Greek antiquity, the idea was associated with the ordering principle of Creation, as '[the] act of Creation presupposes the bringing together of discordant and conflicting parts into a harmonious and well-ordered whole' (Carter, 4). It was then transformed into a symbol of God's love by Christians: 'the pagan idea of dancing gods was absorbed by Neoplatonists and adapted by the Church Fathers to suit the Christian concept of Heaven and angelic beings' (Carter, 14). Subsequently, around the end of the fifteenth century, 'Ficino's fusion of pagan and Christian elements in his new Platonism revitalized the idea of the dance as an image of order, harmony and love' (Carter, 14). 107 The boston, the tango, and the onestep are also among the fashionable dances mentioned in Der Steppenwolf. 108 'In [the] contrast between an optimistic life force and an uncannily destructive urge to ruin, the medieval theme of the Dance of Death was lent a renewed actuality' (Salmen, 219). The outbreak of the bubonic plague, also known as the Black Death, is recalled in the medieval context ofNarzifi und Goldmund, where Goldmund faces up to the pandemic with resigned pessimism, without abandoning himself to any vitalistic impetus: 'Mit diesem Pesttod aber war nicht zu ka'mpfen, man mufite ihn toben lassen und sich ergeben, und Goldmund hatte sich langst ergeben' (SW 4,452). 103
in the euphoria of the 'Maskenball' but also in the atmosphere '[i]m Erdgescho|3' of a tavern, filled with 'Licht' and 'Larm', where 'Burschen' and 'Madchen' (Kli, SW 8, 316) dance with movements that Klingsor pictures as a desperate attempt to fight death, which looms outside the room: Grofi stand der Tod vor den offenen Tiiren des Saales, der von Menschen, Wein und Tanzmusik geschwollen war. [...] Alles war draufien voll Tod, voll von Tod, nur hier im engen schallenden Saal ward noch gekampft, ward noch herrlich und tapfer gekampft gegen den schwarzen Belagerer, der nah durch die Fenster greinte. 109 (SW 8, 318) In Hesse, the attempt to exorcise the fear of death through dance and self-oblivion resonates with the cathartic destruction associated with the Hindu deity Shiva, 'der die Welt in Scherben tanzt' (Kur, SW 11,122). 110 Highly spiritual attributes and pagan rituals merge in what Mileck refers to as 'the wild sacrificial dance preceding Knecht's death' (1961,177) in the finale of Glasperlenspiel. In the early stages of the novel, Knecht calls on dance to picture to himself a piece of music the Magister Musicae plays on the piano: Er [Knecht] wies seinem Cast an, sich den Gang dieser Musik wie einen Tanz, wie eine ununterbroche Reihe von Gleichgewichtsiibungen vorzustellen, wie eine Folge von kleineren oder groSeren Schritten von der Mitte einer Symmetrieachse aus, und auf nichts andres zu achten als auf die Figur, welche diese Schritte bildeten. 111 (SW 5, 68) The dance he conjures up in this context is a refined and spiritualised exercise, an orderly sequence of well balanced and composed movements ('eine [...] Reihe von Gleichgewichtsiibungen'). The evocation of this dance is in sharp contrast with young Tito's exuberant series of gestures in what the narrator describes as 'von ihm [Tito] erfundener Ritus der Sonnen- und Morgenfeier' (SW 5, 391) at the end of the novel. Tito, inspired by the beauty of dawn ('der feierlichen Schonheit des Augenblicks') and excited by his youthful strength and vitality, 109 Death reappears a few pages later in a scene reminiscent of the end of the 'MaskenbalP (see "Turen gingen auf..."; Ste, SW 4, 162): 'Verstummt war unversehens die Musik, plotzlich, wie erloschen, weggeflossen waren die Tanzer, von der Nacht verschlungen, und die Halfte der Lichter waren verloscht. Klingsor blickte nach den schwarzen TOren. DrauBen stand der Tod' (Kli, SW 8, 319). 110 Notably, Shiva is also the god of paradox and or reconciliation of opposites. 111 The translation of auditory stimuli into images by means of writing is one of the main threads of the discussion on eternity in Chapter 5 (see section 4, Time changes to space'). 104
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celestial dance and the human communion underlying the round dance also has its<br />
dark side. 106 As a reaction to the fatalism of the turn of the century, dancing acts as a<br />
catalyst and outlet for vital instincts and, as Salmen points out, popular dances have<br />
no longer the gallant aplomb of the preceding century but are characterized by<br />
frenetic movements instead:<br />
Suddenly after 1890 dances, rhythms, gestures, and dancing attire shattered<br />
the conventions of the upper middle-class ball culture [...] Those who<br />
defended 'academic' dance and the previous norm universally diagnosed the<br />
development as a contagious neurosis that originated with dances like the<br />
Boston, Cakewalk, Tango, Onestep, or Ragtime. 107 (210)<br />
The narrator of Das Glasperlenspiel, commenting on the 'zynisch[e] Gelassenheit oder<br />
bacchantisch[e] Hingerissenheit' (SW 5, 20) characteristic of 'das feuillettonistische<br />
Zeitalter', which transfers the early twentieth century into the fiction of the novel,<br />
stresses the importance of dance as a way to fight the resigned pessimism<br />
('Untergangsstimmung') of the age: 'man ging tanzen und erklarte jede Sorge um die<br />
Zukunft fur altvaterische Torheit' (ibid.).<br />
The urge to oppose the fear of death by means of frenzied amusement in the<br />
early twentieth century pervades popular dances to an extent that these may, at<br />
times, appear as collective apotropaic rituals evoking, by analogy with the need to<br />
dispel the fears aroused by the plague sweeping across Europe around the middle of<br />
the fourteenth century, the medieval Dance of Death. 108 Hesse captures this attitude<br />
106 As Salmen notes, the idea of brotherhood and communion by way of dance also makes its way into the<br />
paintings of the period (see Matisse's La dame (1901)): 'The will to live in social union, to overcome alienation,<br />
and to discover identity through action was manifested most clearly in pictures in which free people dancing the<br />
round dance bound themselves to one another' (222). Although it is difficult to trace its exact origins, the idea of<br />
the 'celestial dance' probably emerged in connection with rituals inspired by the revolutions of the stars in<br />
remote prehistoric times. In Greek antiquity, the idea was associated with the ordering principle of Creation, as<br />
'[the] act of Creation presupposes the bringing together of discordant and conflicting parts into a harmonious and<br />
well-ordered whole' (Carter, 4). It was then transformed into a symbol of God's love by Christians: 'the pagan<br />
idea of dancing gods was absorbed by Neoplatonists and adapted by the Church Fathers to suit the Christian<br />
concept of Heaven and angelic beings' (Carter, 14). Subsequently, around the end of the fifteenth century,<br />
'Ficino's fusion of pagan and Christian elements in his new Platonism revitalized the idea of the dance as an<br />
image of order, harmony and love' (Carter, 14).<br />
107 The boston, the tango, and the onestep are also among the fashionable dances mentioned in Der Steppenwolf.<br />
108 'In [the] contrast between an optimistic life force and an uncannily destructive urge to ruin, the medieval<br />
theme of the Dance of Death was lent a renewed actuality' (Salmen, 219). The outbreak of the bubonic plague,<br />
also known as the Black Death, is recalled in the medieval context ofNarzifi und Goldmund, where Goldmund<br />
faces up to the pandemic with resigned pessimism, without abandoning himself to any vitalistic impetus: 'Mit<br />
diesem Pesttod aber war nicht zu ka'mpfen, man mufite ihn toben lassen und sich ergeben, und Goldmund hatte sich<br />
langst ergeben' (SW 4,452).<br />
103