the emperor and his women - Denver Museum of Nature & Science
the emperor and his women - Denver Museum of Nature & Science
the emperor and his women - Denver Museum of Nature & Science
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4.<br />
THE EMPEROR AND HIS WOMEN:<br />
THREE VIEWS OF FOOTBINDING,<br />
ETHNICITY, AND EMPIRE<br />
The <strong>emperor</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>his</strong> <strong>women</strong> constitutes a topic<br />
popular with <strong>his</strong>torians <strong>and</strong> viewers <strong>of</strong> soap operas alike,<br />
for seldom does a man's conduct in <strong>his</strong> bedchambers generate<br />
so much public significance. Our fascination with<br />
<strong>the</strong> harem <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> pathos <strong>of</strong> female jealousy in a polygynous<br />
household is evinced by <strong>the</strong> popularity <strong>of</strong> Raise <strong>the</strong><br />
Red Lantern, a novel <strong>and</strong> film set in an ambiguous timeplace<br />
called old China. The reception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> film ou tside<br />
China bespeaks <strong>the</strong> ease with which any feudal l<strong>and</strong>lord<br />
with a big house could play <strong>emperor</strong>, <strong>and</strong> that audiences<br />
would find t<strong>his</strong> play credible <strong>and</strong> enjoyable .! "Th e<br />
<strong>emperor</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>his</strong> <strong>women</strong>" remains a poignant symbol long<br />
after <strong>the</strong> collapse <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> imperial order because it is <strong>the</strong><br />
microcosm <strong>of</strong> an entire social institution: <strong>the</strong> patriarchal<br />
<strong>and</strong> polygynous Chinese family.2<br />
In reality, only well-endowed men-no more than<br />
ten percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population-could afford to keep multiple<br />
wives. Yet as an idealized expression <strong>of</strong> male privilege<br />
polygyny enjoys enduring currency in <strong>and</strong> out <strong>of</strong> China.<br />
Keith McMahon has found that <strong>the</strong> polygamist ranks as<br />
<strong>the</strong> most popular <strong>and</strong> powerful archetype in 18th-century<br />
Chinese fiction, a testimony to <strong>the</strong> socially "legitimized<br />
<strong>and</strong> condoned access <strong>of</strong> one man to many <strong>women</strong>" <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Chinese male "obsession with potency <strong>and</strong> numbers"<br />
(McMah on 1995:27). Legal <strong>and</strong> economic restrictions<br />
aside, "polygyny was <strong>the</strong> most desired <strong>and</strong> respected form<br />
<strong>of</strong> marriage" for Qing men (McMahon 1995:22).<br />
Polygyny is enticing because it binds <strong>emperor</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> common man in a mimetic relationship-<strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>emperor</strong> is archetype <strong>of</strong> a form <strong>of</strong> respectable masculinity<br />
for society whereas man fancies himself little <strong>emperor</strong>.<br />
T<strong>his</strong> mimetic relationship is one-sided; herein lies <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>emperor</strong>'s power. T<strong>his</strong> essay is an investigation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
operation <strong>and</strong> limitation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s power to be<br />
"<strong>the</strong> original," not a study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> amorous life <strong>of</strong> any particular<br />
<strong>emperor</strong>. In three fragments, we explore <strong>the</strong><br />
modern <strong>his</strong>tory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong> "<strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>his</strong> <strong>women</strong>" as a stock image, as well as its attendant<br />
tropes <strong>of</strong> polygyny, Oriental harem, <strong>and</strong> despotism. Two<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
DOROTHY KO<br />
recurring <strong>the</strong>mes, footbinding <strong>and</strong> ethnic differences,<br />
provide common points <strong>of</strong> entry.<br />
Each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three parts <strong>of</strong> t<strong>his</strong> essay is built on a<br />
specific textual site: pictorial <strong>and</strong> literary descriptions <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Chinese harem, a series <strong>of</strong> edicts issued by <strong>the</strong> Qing<br />
monarchs prohibiting footbinding, <strong>and</strong> jottings from <strong>the</strong><br />
1930s about a curious practice called Manchu footbinding.<br />
Each cluster <strong>of</strong> texts tells a story about <strong>the</strong> relationship<br />
<strong>and</strong> distance between an "<strong>emperor</strong>" <strong>and</strong> "<strong>his</strong> <strong>women</strong>" in<br />
<strong>the</strong> literal or metaphorical sense. Taken toge<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>se<br />
three stories highligh t <strong>the</strong> connections between <strong>the</strong> imperial<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> imperium, <strong>the</strong> fluidity <strong>of</strong> ethnic identities, as<br />
well as <strong>the</strong> power <strong>of</strong> imperial decrees <strong>and</strong> visual images in<br />
shaping imagination, attitudes, <strong>and</strong> experiences.<br />
THE SPECTACLE OF ETHNICITY<br />
The <strong>emperor</strong>s <strong>of</strong> China's last dynasty were<br />
Manchus, as is well known. Five <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twenty empresses<br />
in Qing <strong>his</strong>tory, however, were Mongols, <strong>and</strong> concubines<br />
were occasionally Han (Rawski 1991:176; Harrell<br />
1995:196) . Because sons <strong>of</strong> all concubines <strong>and</strong> empresses<br />
were eligible to become heir, Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s were, in<br />
fact, not "Manchu" in th e purist sense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> term.<br />
Ethnicity is thus an important consideration in <strong>the</strong> relationship<br />
between <strong>the</strong> Qing <strong>emperor</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>his</strong> <strong>women</strong>.<br />
Anthropologists have shown that ethnic identities,<br />
as absolute as <strong>the</strong>y may seem to <strong>the</strong> peoples locked in ethnic<br />
conflicts, do not stem from any ubiquitous or<br />
immutable cultural, linguistic, or religious attributes.<br />
Membership in any ethnic group may exp<strong>and</strong> or contract<br />
over time, changeable as it is by political manipulation <strong>and</strong><br />
negotiation. The only constant factor is that <strong>the</strong> question<br />
<strong>of</strong> Who belongs? can be answered only by excluding <strong>the</strong><br />
O<strong>the</strong>r, aliens who do not belong (Harrell 1995; Brown<br />
1996). In o<strong>the</strong>r words, perceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r are always<br />
implicated in definitions <strong>of</strong> self. The making <strong>of</strong> ethnic<br />
identities thus involves two related processes: what<br />
Michael Taussig has called "mimesis," or imitation, <strong>and</strong><br />
Series 3, No. 15, p.37, November 1, 1998
"alterity," <strong>the</strong> positing <strong>of</strong> a self-o<strong>the</strong>r opposition. The former<br />
creates <strong>the</strong> impression <strong>of</strong> sameness whereas <strong>the</strong> latter<br />
makes difference seem immutable (Taussig 1993).<br />
There is no better example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> artificiality <strong>of</strong><br />
ethnic identities than <strong>the</strong> <strong>his</strong>tory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Manchus. There<br />
were, in fact, no Manchus before 1635, when leader<br />
Hongtaiji invented <strong>the</strong> name "Manzhou" to weld <strong>his</strong> followers<br />
into a military machine. On <strong>the</strong> eve <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qing<br />
conquest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chinese heartl<strong>and</strong> in 1644, any follower<br />
who was loyal to <strong>the</strong> leading Aisin Gioro clan could be<br />
classified a Manchu (Chen 1991). The o<strong>the</strong>r common<br />
name for Manchu, "bannerman" (qiun), is equally<br />
ambiguous. The Eight Banners were primarily politicomilitary<br />
units, not ethnic or cultural groupings. After <strong>the</strong><br />
Qing conquest, bannermen were dispersed in garrisons<br />
throughout <strong>the</strong> empire, organized as <strong>the</strong>y were into<br />
Manchu, Mongol, <strong>and</strong> Han-martial divisions. They were<br />
as diverse in origins as in <strong>the</strong>ir comm<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Manchu<br />
language, military skills, <strong>and</strong> self-identities (Crossley<br />
1990a <strong>and</strong> b; Elliott 1993).<br />
Modern <strong>his</strong>tory textbooks, however, tend to present<br />
<strong>the</strong> complex story <strong>of</strong> Manchu-Han difference in<br />
black-<strong>and</strong>-white terms, using <strong>the</strong> model <strong>of</strong> cultural assimilation.<br />
Written from a nationalistic (or one may say "Hanchauvinist")<br />
st<strong>and</strong>point, <strong>the</strong>se books portray <strong>the</strong> Manchus<br />
as barbaric aliens from China's nor<strong>the</strong>ast who became sinicized<br />
in <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 17th century. Having<br />
learned <strong>the</strong> Chinese language <strong>and</strong> adopted a bureaucratic<br />
government, <strong>the</strong>y gained enough power to wrestle <strong>the</strong><br />
M<strong>and</strong>ate <strong>of</strong> Heaven from <strong>the</strong> ailing Ming dynasty.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> assimilated Manchus appeared to be aliens<br />
once again toward <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dynasty, when China suffered<br />
internal violence <strong>and</strong> foreign aggression. When <strong>the</strong>y<br />
were finally toppled by Chinese revolutionaries who established<br />
a republic in 1912, <strong>the</strong> Manchus were admitted as<br />
one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> five "races" in <strong>the</strong> newly exp<strong>and</strong>ed Chinese<br />
nationhood (Duara 1995:36-37, 75-76) .<br />
In adopting <strong>the</strong> "sinification" or assimilation<br />
model <strong>of</strong> ethnicity, t<strong>his</strong> conventional account bifurcates<br />
Chinese <strong>and</strong> Manchu into mutually exclusive groups. It is<br />
unconvincing in explaining Qing demise <strong>and</strong> its threecentury<br />
longevity. A more dynamic approach seeks to<br />
investigate <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong> political manipulation that<br />
engineered such differences <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n camouflaged <strong>the</strong>m<br />
as "natural." Social <strong>his</strong>tOlians have described how <strong>the</strong> writing<br />
<strong>of</strong> a genealogy <strong>of</strong> origins <strong>and</strong> descent served such a<br />
purpose for <strong>the</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong> in <strong>the</strong> 18th century,<br />
when it was increasingly difficult to tell <strong>the</strong> Manchus apart<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Han (Crossley 1987). T<strong>his</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r projects<br />
touting <strong>the</strong> Manchu hunting <strong>and</strong> shamanic traditions<br />
were so successful in naturalizing Manchu distinctions that<br />
we tend to forget that when <strong>the</strong> name Manchu was first<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
DOROTHYKO<br />
coined, it referred to political allegiance, not cultural or<br />
"racial" purity.<br />
In short, recent scholarship has emphasized that<br />
ethnicities are made, not born, <strong>and</strong> that we need <strong>the</strong> mirror<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r to define who we are. Building on t<strong>his</strong><br />
foundation, t<strong>his</strong> essay examines one little-explored aspect<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>and</strong> naturalizing <strong>of</strong> Chinese ethnic<br />
identities: <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> female attire as a visible<br />
marker <strong>of</strong> differences. Clothing is laden with ambiguous<br />
meanings because "being personal, it is susceptible to individual<br />
manipulation. Being public, it has social import"<br />
(Hendrickson 1996:2) . Chinese <strong>emperor</strong>s, in particular,<br />
were fully aware that clothing is an important instrument<br />
<strong>of</strong> rule. After all, performance-putting on a good showis<br />
at <strong>the</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> imperial rulership.<br />
THE CHINESE HAREM: THE EMPEROR<br />
AND HIS WOMEN-AS-VETEMENTS<br />
Not only is clothing useful to rulership, it also<br />
is fundamental to our ways <strong>of</strong> seeing <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />
<strong>the</strong> world. Our imagination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> harem, a forbidden<br />
feminine space, is given concrete shapes <strong>and</strong> colors<br />
primarily by dress <strong>and</strong> articles <strong>of</strong> clothing. In Montesquieu's<br />
1721 novel, Lettres persanes, harem <strong>women</strong> were<br />
called veternents ("clothing") (Behdad 1989: 119). The<br />
Oriental <strong>women</strong> in <strong>the</strong> paintings <strong>of</strong> Eugene Delacroix<br />
(1798-1863), draped as <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ten are in lavish clothing<br />
<strong>and</strong> slippers in Turkish style, appear still <strong>and</strong> passive.<br />
When <strong>the</strong>y appear as nudes <strong>the</strong>y stroke <strong>the</strong> viewer's<br />
erotic <strong>and</strong> sadistic pleasure (Graham-Brown 1988:70-71;<br />
Nochlin 1989:41-43). Nudity is a form <strong>of</strong> clothing, <strong>and</strong><br />
in t<strong>his</strong> exp<strong>and</strong>ed sense clothing exposes as much as it<br />
decorates harem <strong>women</strong>. It also defines <strong>the</strong>m, fixes <strong>the</strong>m<br />
in an imaginary time-place, even to <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> imprisoning<br />
<strong>the</strong>m. We would not be able to see harem <strong>women</strong><br />
without clothing as <strong>the</strong> mediator.<br />
The most powerful article <strong>of</strong> clothing is <strong>the</strong> veil,<br />
pervasive in studio photographs <strong>and</strong> colonial postcards<br />
popular since <strong>the</strong> late 19th century (Alloula 1986;<br />
Graham-Brown 1988). A mere piece <strong>of</strong> cloth forms a significant<br />
boundary: In <strong>the</strong> harem, <strong>women</strong> are plentiful but<br />
<strong>of</strong>f-limits. The veil-what we can see, albeit not what we<br />
want to see-evokes a world <strong>of</strong> secluded space <strong>and</strong> forbidden<br />
pleasures. Without <strong>the</strong> veil it would be hard to imagine<br />
<strong>the</strong> Oriental harem, its excesses <strong>of</strong> polygamy, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
privilege <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> despotic master. The despot is never visibly<br />
present in <strong>the</strong> harem, but <strong>his</strong> power is keenly felt<br />
through <strong>the</strong> subjugation <strong>and</strong> longing <strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong> multiple<br />
<strong>women</strong>. The bound foot, as we will see, structures <strong>the</strong><br />
Orientalist imagination regarding China in much <strong>the</strong><br />
same way as <strong>the</strong> veil.<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p.38, November 1, 1998
THE EMPEROR AND HIS WOMEN: THREE VIEWS OF FOOTBINDING, ETHNICITY, AND EMPIRE<br />
The image <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> "Oriental" harem is <strong>the</strong> product<br />
<strong>of</strong> Europe's entanglement with <strong>the</strong> Ottoman Empire in<br />
<strong>the</strong> 18th <strong>and</strong> 19th centuries, as is <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> an explosion<br />
<strong>of</strong> recent scholarship after <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> Said's seminal<br />
Orientalism in 1979. 3 Paintings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chinese harem<br />
are rare, but Jesuit missionaries described <strong>the</strong> harem<br />
intrigues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ming court in detail, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> polygamy <strong>of</strong><br />
Chinese <strong>emperor</strong>s was a familiar trope to <strong>the</strong> reading public<br />
in 17th-century Europe (Lach 1965:774; Yazawa 1990).<br />
'When we encounter a rare pictorial depiction <strong>of</strong> a Chinese<br />
harem in a 19th-century lithograph entitled "Baigneuses a<br />
leur toilette" ("Ba<strong>the</strong>rs Getting Dressed") (Fig. 6), it is not<br />
surprising to find that it shares many generic traits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Turkish harem: <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>me <strong>of</strong> polygyny, <strong>the</strong> thrill <strong>of</strong><br />
voyeurism, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> erotic import <strong>of</strong> clothing.<br />
In t<strong>his</strong> snapshot, clothing, or ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> act <strong>of</strong><br />
dressing, clearly stnlctures <strong>the</strong> viewer's gaze. In <strong>the</strong> center<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> print are three palace ladies caught in various stages<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> toilette after <strong>the</strong>ir bath. Three o<strong>the</strong>rs, still bathing<br />
in a pool in <strong>the</strong> garden, also display different degrees <strong>of</strong><br />
being clo<strong>the</strong>d. The sequential time one experiences in life<br />
is arrested <strong>and</strong> transformed. Temporally <strong>the</strong> frame is<br />
frozen at one moment, but spatially <strong>the</strong> image is composed<br />
<strong>of</strong> three disjointed frames: <strong>the</strong> dressed, <strong>the</strong> halfdressed,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> nude. In a provocative gesture, one<br />
ba<strong>the</strong>r by <strong>the</strong> pool props up her chin with one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
stares into <strong>the</strong> viewer's eyes, as if to mock <strong>the</strong> latter's dispersed<br />
sight.<br />
The young woman leaning on a porcelain stool is,<br />
according to <strong>the</strong> captions that accompany <strong>the</strong> 1925<br />
reprint <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lithograph, "completely shod, <strong>and</strong> has<br />
already put on <strong>the</strong> wide satin trousers in which ladies <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> opulent class adorn <strong>the</strong>mselves." She <strong>of</strong>fers a side view<br />
<strong>of</strong> her right foot, neatly dressed <strong>and</strong> adorned with a flared<br />
anklet. The lady to her left showcases a dorsal view <strong>of</strong> both<br />
feet, also shod. "The third is occupied with putting on her<br />
shoes. One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se feet is naked, <strong>and</strong> only allows <strong>the</strong> big<br />
toe to be seen in its natural position, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r digits having<br />
been forced back beneath <strong>the</strong> sole <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> foot. One<br />
can see on <strong>the</strong> carpet <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Turkish slipper (babouche)<br />
or ankle boot, <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong> extremity is truncated as if <strong>the</strong><br />
foot were nonexistent." The writer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> captions<br />
sounded like a lecturer: "It is rare, in fact, that tile foot <strong>of</strong> a<br />
Chinese beauty thus mutilated would be longer than three<br />
or four inches" (Malpiere 1925-1927; cf. Levy 1984:172;<br />
original in color) . He was, coincidentally, correct on most<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ethnographic details about footbinding. The binder<br />
in <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> naked lady <strong>and</strong> her ankle boot on <strong>the</strong><br />
floor look contrived, but <strong>the</strong> anklets resemble those featured<br />
in Chinese erotic prints from <strong>the</strong> Ming dynasty.<br />
If <strong>the</strong> artist <strong>and</strong> writer had painstakingly tried to<br />
get <strong>the</strong> details <strong>of</strong> footbinding right, <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ladies'<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
attire bespeaks a curious hybridity. Their hair is piled high<br />
into a knot; <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ing lady is clad in a chemise; all have<br />
high-waisted silhouettes. These were, in fact, fashionable<br />
styles in 1830s Paris <strong>and</strong> do not resem ble anything a<br />
Chinese would have worn. 4 Two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three distant ladies<br />
are draped in shrawls <strong>and</strong> look faintly south Asian. T<strong>his</strong><br />
hybridity <strong>of</strong> styles, both fanciful <strong>and</strong> real, serves as a<br />
reminder that <strong>the</strong> depiction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oriental harem is not<br />
about ethnographic accuracy but visual enticement.<br />
Indeed, studio photographs <strong>of</strong> Middle Eastern <strong>women</strong><br />
were <strong>of</strong>ten dressed in bizarre concoctions that mixed ethnic<br />
<strong>and</strong> class styles (Graham-Brown 1988:120).<br />
Generic conventions aside, <strong>the</strong> blatant transposition<br />
<strong>of</strong> Parisian fashion onto Chinese bodies merits reflection.<br />
Descriptions <strong>and</strong> drawings <strong>of</strong> Chinese attire had circulated<br />
in Europe since <strong>the</strong> 17th century. The most<br />
authoritative source, William Chambers' 1757 treatise on<br />
Chinese material culture, is mentioned in <strong>the</strong> captions.<br />
These sources may not be accurate, but it was common<br />
knowledge that Chinese styles were at odds with European<br />
ones (Ko 1997). Did <strong>the</strong> artist care that <strong>his</strong> audience know<br />
<strong>the</strong>se are Chinese <strong>women</strong>? A clue may be found in <strong>the</strong><br />
description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lady leaning on <strong>the</strong> porcelain stool as<br />
"completely shod," cited above. Naked from <strong>the</strong> waist up,<br />
she is no longer caught up in getting dressed but instead<br />
reposes her lower body on a low wooden st<strong>and</strong> normally<br />
used to exhibit antiques. Her tiny shod foot is <strong>the</strong> object<br />
on display. We may surmise that <strong>the</strong> binder <strong>and</strong> anklet<br />
constitute a synecdoche for clothing in general. Indeed,<br />
readers in 19th-century Europe were so familiar with footbinding<br />
as a marker <strong>of</strong> Chinese ethnicity that <strong>the</strong>re was no<br />
mistaking <strong>the</strong>se ba<strong>the</strong>rs' ethnicity even though <strong>the</strong>y look<br />
French from head to ankle.<br />
The centrality <strong>of</strong> clothing, <strong>the</strong> shod foot to be<br />
exact, to <strong>the</strong> erotic content <strong>of</strong> t<strong>his</strong> image <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chinese<br />
harem is also evinced by its peripheral treatment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
bath. Bathing is a salient <strong>the</strong>me in Orientalist paintings.<br />
In analyzing Jean-Leon Gerome's painting "Moorish<br />
Bath," which features a black servant holding a large<br />
basin for her naked white mistress, Linda Nochlin<br />
describes its elements as "<strong>the</strong> purest distillations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Orientalist bath scene." She sees <strong>the</strong> juxtaposition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
unfeminine black figure with <strong>the</strong> pearly white body as<br />
suggestive <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter's readiness for <strong>the</strong> sultan's bed.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, "t<strong>his</strong> sense <strong>of</strong> erotic availability is spiced<br />
with still more forbidden overtones, for <strong>the</strong> conjunction<br />
<strong>of</strong> black <strong>and</strong> white, or dark <strong>and</strong> li ght female bodies,<br />
whe<strong>the</strong>r naked or in <strong>the</strong> guise <strong>of</strong> mistress <strong>and</strong> maidservant,<br />
has traditionally signified lesbianism" (Nochlin<br />
1989:49) .<br />
In imaginary China, bathing merely provided an<br />
excuse for <strong>the</strong> dressing to occur. There was even some<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p.39, November 1, 1998
doubt as to whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Chinese were ba<strong>the</strong>rs at all. In <strong>the</strong><br />
captions, a long rebuttal was leveled at travelers who<br />
asserted that baths were unknown to <strong>the</strong> Chinese. Lord<br />
Macartney, it was said, mentioned mineral waters at <strong>the</strong><br />
foot <strong>of</strong> mountains nor<strong>the</strong>ast <strong>of</strong> Beijing that were called<br />
"Emperor's Baths." Moreover, allegedly <strong>the</strong>re were large<br />
lakes in <strong>the</strong> imperial compound where <strong>the</strong> fairest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
harem ladies sojourned in <strong>the</strong> summer (Malpiere<br />
1925-1927). A vague association is thus established<br />
between <strong>the</strong> harem <strong>and</strong> bodies <strong>of</strong> water, but in <strong>the</strong> Chinese<br />
harem <strong>the</strong>re is no tension between black <strong>and</strong> white or<br />
between mistress <strong>and</strong> servant. Absent, too, is <strong>the</strong> strong<br />
homoeroticism associated with Moorish baths. The point<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> print, as <strong>the</strong> captions put it, is dressing: "These<br />
young <strong>women</strong> having just tasted <strong>the</strong> pleasure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bath<br />
furnish us with an occasion to explain <strong>the</strong> various parts <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir toilette that we have only mentioned briefly before. "5<br />
As in many o<strong>the</strong>r Orientalist paintings, <strong>the</strong> master<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>women</strong> is present even though he is not shown in<br />
<strong>the</strong> picture. The immured ladies were preparing <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
for him, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir various stages <strong>of</strong> dressing will lead<br />
to one moment <strong>of</strong> resolution, when <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong><br />
announces <strong>his</strong> selection for <strong>the</strong> night. Meanwhile, in <strong>his</strong><br />
absence, <strong>the</strong> bountiful l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> multiple <strong>women</strong> are available<br />
for our perusal. Whatever our reaction to "Ba<strong>the</strong>rs," it<br />
was designed to entice readers in 19th-century France.<br />
The seduction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> image hinges on <strong>the</strong> seductive power<br />
<strong>of</strong> footbinding. The effectiveness <strong>of</strong> t<strong>his</strong> seduction can be<br />
gauged only upon fur<strong>the</strong>r research into <strong>the</strong> <strong>his</strong>tory <strong>of</strong><br />
reception <strong>of</strong> t<strong>his</strong> print.<br />
It should also be mentioned in passing that <strong>the</strong><br />
harem is not a European invention. The harem enjoys a<br />
long <strong>his</strong>tory in Chinese literature <strong>and</strong> art. The ladies<br />
depicted in palace-style poetry <strong>and</strong> paintings <strong>of</strong> generic<br />
beauties are stereo typically immured <strong>and</strong> pining for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
absent men, more akin to <strong>the</strong> "Ba<strong>the</strong>rs" we have viewed<br />
(Wu 1997) . The sensuality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> harem in Ming erotic<br />
prints <strong>and</strong> novels, however, is produced by <strong>the</strong> very visibility<br />
<strong>and</strong> activity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>. Indeed, in novels <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
"erotic <strong>his</strong>tory" genre, <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong> is always <strong>the</strong> protagonist<br />
(Kang 1996: 182-199). The bodily presence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>emperor</strong> marks a salient difference between <strong>the</strong> European<br />
<strong>and</strong> Chinese constructions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> harem, affecting <strong>the</strong><br />
manner <strong>of</strong> reader identification <strong>and</strong> hence <strong>the</strong> shape <strong>of</strong><br />
male fantasy. Because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> limitation <strong>of</strong> space, <strong>the</strong>se<br />
issues will have to await ano<strong>the</strong>r essay.<br />
We may conclude by noting that <strong>the</strong> visual codes<br />
<strong>and</strong> structures <strong>of</strong> desire that constitute <strong>the</strong> enticement <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> harem are culture- <strong>and</strong> time-specific. The seduction<br />
mayor may not work. But when it does, <strong>the</strong> result is as fantastic<br />
as a miraculous birth. The viewing <strong>of</strong> harem pictures<br />
brings to life two <strong>emperor</strong>s: <strong>the</strong> polygynous despot <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
DOROTIfY KO<br />
viewer who, for a few pleasurable moments, can don <strong>the</strong><br />
mantle <strong>of</strong> imperial splendor. T<strong>his</strong> mantle <strong>of</strong> male privilege<br />
is tailored from <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> multiple <strong>women</strong><br />
with vetements.<br />
THE CHINESE IMPERIUM: THE DESPOTIC<br />
EMPEROR AND HIS UNRULY FEMALE SUBJECTS<br />
The snapshot <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chinese harem we have<br />
viewed bespeaks <strong>the</strong> stability <strong>of</strong> footbinding as a sign <strong>of</strong><br />
Chinese ethnicity in European eyes. To appreciate <strong>the</strong><br />
power <strong>of</strong> clothing as cultural boundary-markers, however,<br />
we need to backtrack <strong>and</strong> ponder how difficult it is to produce<br />
that immutability. In a world in which styles change,<br />
goods travel, <strong>and</strong> people are creative, how do self-o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
distinctions become so real <strong>and</strong> stable? Or, if ethnic<br />
boundaries are constructed, how come <strong>the</strong>y appear so<br />
immutable? To attempt an answer, we need to connect<br />
snapshots into a long scroll that can be unrolled <strong>and</strong><br />
viewed in myriad ways.<br />
The <strong>the</strong>me <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> scroll, <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> t<strong>his</strong> section, is<br />
<strong>the</strong> long-st<strong>and</strong>ing anxieties <strong>of</strong> Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s over <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
unruly <strong>women</strong>'s feet. Before we examine <strong>the</strong>ir prohibition<br />
edicts, a closer look into <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> clothing regulation<br />
<strong>and</strong> identifYing Han-Manchu differences is in order.<br />
Curators have <strong>of</strong>ten referred to distinct <strong>and</strong> presumably<br />
timeless Manchu stylistic elements-<strong>the</strong> "horseho<strong>of</strong>' cuff,<br />
<strong>the</strong> queue, <strong>the</strong> unbound feet-to identify garments or<br />
visual images. But <strong>the</strong>se so-called Manchu elements,<br />
allegedly remanents from <strong>the</strong>ir "nomadic" past, were not<br />
intrinsic. They were made into primordial signs by political<br />
decrees <strong>and</strong> acquired immutability through <strong>the</strong> sediments<br />
<strong>of</strong> time. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, in <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dynasty<br />
<strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> edges <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> imperium, what <strong>the</strong> signs signified<br />
could undergo a sea change. The queue, for example, was<br />
a sign <strong>of</strong> "Han-ness" in <strong>the</strong> eyes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tungans (Chinesespeaking<br />
Muslims) in Altishahr, part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qing empire<br />
in Xinjiang, in <strong>the</strong> 19th century (Millward 1993).<br />
T<strong>his</strong> is not to deny that <strong>the</strong>re are material <strong>and</strong><br />
technological constraints to any way <strong>of</strong> life, <strong>and</strong> that such<br />
material conditions are <strong>of</strong>ten made into ethnic traits.<br />
According to a creative hypo<strong>the</strong>sis, nomadic <strong>and</strong> agrarian<br />
peoples developed divergent sartorial traditions, <strong>the</strong> former<br />
originating from animal skins <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter cloth.<br />
Unlike cloth, skins cannot be woven into wider widths <strong>and</strong><br />
made to drape like, say, <strong>the</strong> wide sleeves <strong>and</strong> bodice on<br />
Ming robes. The symmetry <strong>and</strong> grain <strong>of</strong> skins also dem<strong>and</strong><br />
different garment construction. Indeed, structural similarities<br />
between Manchu garments <strong>and</strong> those <strong>of</strong> horse-riding<br />
peoples from sou<strong>the</strong>rn Siberia, Mongolia, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Eurasian steppe have been noted (Burnham 1973:20-21;<br />
Vollmer 1977:21-25; Wilson 1996:18-24).<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p.40, November 1, 1998
THE EMPEROR AND HIS WOMEN: THREE VIEWS OF FOOTBINDlNG, ETHNICITY, AND EMPIRE<br />
The animal-skin <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong>fers a tantalizing explanation<br />
for <strong>the</strong> narrower sleeves <strong>and</strong> tighter body that<br />
emerged as <strong>the</strong> most distinct sign <strong>of</strong> Manchu court robes.<br />
Its comparative insights also suggest a lack <strong>of</strong> uniqueness in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Manchu's origins. There is, however, no concrete evidence<br />
for <strong>the</strong> Manchus being a skin-based people beyond<br />
<strong>the</strong> mythical age. In any case, <strong>the</strong> issue at stake in <strong>the</strong><br />
redesign <strong>of</strong> tighter sleeves with horseho<strong>of</strong> cuffs is not its<br />
origin but its political function. Manchu <strong>emperor</strong>s were<br />
compelled to keep alive a mythical nomadic past <strong>and</strong> martial<br />
heritage to impress <strong>the</strong>ir Chinese subjects into submission<br />
<strong>and</strong> to teach <strong>the</strong>ir renegade fellow Manchus.<br />
Horseho<strong>of</strong> cuffs, cut as <strong>the</strong>y were from cloth, are no different<br />
from <strong>the</strong> hunting expeditions staged by Kangxi in<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir utility as ethnic performances.<br />
As long as a few distingushing traits were kept conspicuous,<br />
<strong>the</strong> court could manipulate Han symbols <strong>and</strong><br />
appropriate Ming practices. By <strong>and</strong> large, early Qing court<br />
attire followed <strong>the</strong> rank indicators <strong>and</strong> cosmological symbolisms<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ming (Wakeman 1985; Zhou 1992:472-489;<br />
Garrett 1994). O<strong>the</strong>r stylistic elements that became identified<br />
as Manchu included <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> a peacock fea<strong>the</strong>r on<br />
top <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial headgear to signity rank instead <strong>of</strong> a swan<br />
fea<strong>the</strong>r, exclusive use <strong>of</strong> toggle buttons as means <strong>of</strong> closure,<br />
<strong>and</strong> new shapes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> front flaps on coats (Zhou<br />
1992:475) . They were construed as "Manchu" elements<br />
simply because <strong>the</strong> Qing court used <strong>the</strong>m but not <strong>the</strong><br />
Ming. 6 The early Qing monarchs also developed <strong>the</strong><br />
dragon motif, first found on Tang imperial coats, on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
semiformal court coat (jifu). Dragons became Manchu<br />
signs simply because Qing court <strong>and</strong> society overused<br />
<strong>the</strong>m pr<strong>of</strong>usely (Vollmer 1977:40-45).<br />
Such hybridity in style means that it is futile to isolate<br />
essential Manchu characteristics that transcend time.<br />
If it were possible, Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s would not have so assiduously<br />
revised regulations <strong>and</strong> compiled ritual manuals<br />
that clarified <strong>the</strong> parameters <strong>of</strong> proper court attire, a process<br />
repeated throughout <strong>the</strong> dynasty.7<br />
If even <strong>the</strong> regimented world <strong>of</strong> court clothing is<br />
characterized by hybridity <strong>and</strong> flux, how much more so<br />
is <strong>the</strong> everyday wear <strong>of</strong> people in <strong>the</strong> empire! Indeed,<br />
regulating vernacular dress seemed Sisyphean in its<br />
impossibility <strong>and</strong> necessity. In society at large, clothing<br />
was useful politically in signifying political oneness, a<br />
contrast to <strong>the</strong> obsession with hierarchies <strong>and</strong> distinctions<br />
in rank as was <strong>the</strong> case with court attire. In o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
words, outside <strong>the</strong> forbidden palace, <strong>the</strong> persistence <strong>of</strong><br />
ethnic boundaries incurred imperial wrath, not <strong>the</strong> confusion<br />
<strong>of</strong> rank among <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficialdom. Han <strong>women</strong> who<br />
refused to give up footbinding did not transgress boundaries;<br />
<strong>the</strong>y posed a problem in <strong>the</strong>ir appearance <strong>of</strong><br />
immutable au<strong>the</strong>nticity.<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
Before <strong>the</strong> Manchus entered <strong>the</strong> Pass, <strong>the</strong>ir leaders<br />
made no gender distinction in enforcing sartorial conformity<br />
among <strong>the</strong>ir subjects. In 1636, barely one year<br />
after Hongtaiji coined <strong>the</strong> name Manchu, he sought to<br />
define Manchu identity in cultural terms-hunting, clothing,<br />
hairstyle-all d e m<strong>and</strong>ing an intimate process <strong>of</strong><br />
embodiment. At first, <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> embodying oneness<br />
fell to <strong>the</strong> Han Chinese under <strong>his</strong> jurisdiction: "All<br />
Han people-be <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ficial or commoner, male or<br />
female-<strong>the</strong>ir clo<strong>the</strong>s <strong>and</strong> adornments will have to conform<br />
to Manchu styles. Males are not allowed to fashion<br />
wide collars <strong>and</strong> sleeves; females are not allowed to comb<br />
up <strong>the</strong>ir hair [shutouJ nor bind <strong>the</strong>ir feet." Two years later,<br />
Hongtaiji in turn admonished <strong>his</strong> Manchu followers to<br />
look <strong>the</strong> part <strong>and</strong> stop imitating Han clothing <strong>and</strong> footbinding<br />
(Wakeman 1985:206-208; Chen 1991:147-149).<br />
During <strong>the</strong> Qing conquest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> south, Han men<br />
were forced to shave <strong>the</strong>ir forehead, to grow a queue, <strong>and</strong><br />
to wear Manchu clothing as pledges <strong>of</strong> allegiance-a form<br />
<strong>of</strong> involuntary mimesis, if we may. The infamous order<br />
incited popular resistance in <strong>the</strong> Jiangnan region in <strong>the</strong><br />
1640s, but after it was quelled barbers <strong>and</strong> tailors quickly<br />
<strong>and</strong> quietly learned new tricks (Godley 1994:55-59).8<br />
Under <strong>the</strong> facade <strong>of</strong> t<strong>his</strong> fabricated oneness, society was<br />
plagued by ethnic violence <strong>and</strong> factional strife. Qing rule<br />
was not secured until <strong>the</strong> 1680s, when Ming loyalist resistance<br />
in <strong>the</strong> south <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> Formosa as well as<br />
<strong>the</strong> Three Feudatories rebellion were subdued.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> foundation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dynasty was still shaky,<br />
footbinding was a nagging reminder <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> distance<br />
between <strong>the</strong> ruler <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ruled. It posed enough <strong>of</strong> a<br />
threat that Kangxi (1662-1722) decided to take action<br />
soon after he became <strong>emperor</strong>. In 1664, he decreed that<br />
all girls born after <strong>the</strong> year he ascended to <strong>the</strong> throne not<br />
be allowed to begin binding. The <strong>of</strong>fender's fa<strong>the</strong>r would<br />
be punished by flogging <strong>and</strong> exile, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> local <strong>of</strong>ficials<br />
would also be held accountable. Kangxi was wise in recognizing<br />
<strong>the</strong> futility <strong>of</strong> convincing <strong>women</strong> with feet already<br />
arched to unwrap <strong>the</strong>ir binders. But <strong>his</strong> attempt to create a<br />
new female culture from a clean slate fell onto deaf ears.<br />
Three or four years later, <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Rites urged him<br />
to retract <strong>the</strong> ban (Zhao 1957:656).<br />
Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s gave up ordering Han <strong>women</strong> to<br />
change <strong>the</strong>ir styles after <strong>the</strong> failures <strong>of</strong> Hongtaiji <strong>and</strong> Kangxi.<br />
The enforced male hair shaving in <strong>the</strong> 1640s, in turn, had<br />
eradicated all visible distinctions between most Manchu <strong>and</strong><br />
Han men in everyday life. Why did Han men comply but not<br />
<strong>women</strong>, who became embodiments <strong>of</strong> Han identity with<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir wide sleeves <strong>and</strong> bound feet? How come it was female<br />
bodies that were made signposts <strong>of</strong> ethnic identity?<br />
The first explanation is that <strong>the</strong> coercive bans in<br />
<strong>the</strong> early Qing may have had <strong>the</strong> unintended effect <strong>of</strong><br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 41, November 1, 1998
THE EMPEROR AND HIS WOME : THREE VIEWS OF FOOTBINDING, ETHNICITY, AND EMPIRE<br />
<strong>the</strong> base <strong>of</strong> her small toe. Then she moved <strong>the</strong><br />
cloth up by two- to thl'ee-tenths <strong>of</strong> an inch [Jen},<br />
wrapped a second round. Then she moved<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r two- to three-tenths <strong>of</strong> an inch until <strong>the</strong><br />
binder covered <strong>the</strong> foot. With three rounds <strong>the</strong><br />
binding was done. H er goal was not to bend <strong>the</strong><br />
four toes, nor would she wrap up her heel, fearing<br />
that <strong>the</strong> foot would bend into an arch. Since her<br />
aim was merely narrow feet <strong>and</strong> clustered toes-a<br />
slightly pointy look-she tended to succeed in at<br />
most a month. After binding, she had to wear an<br />
extremely tight sock. (Yao 1934:193-194,<br />
emphases mine).<br />
T<strong>his</strong> modest <strong>and</strong> reasonable goal-by no means a form <strong>of</strong><br />
mutilation-allowed Manchu girls to start binding five to<br />
ten years later than Han girls. The former appeared strong<br />
willed, responsible, <strong>and</strong> in con trol <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir lives.<br />
In contrast, modern narratives <strong>of</strong> footbinding<br />
among Han <strong>women</strong> took as <strong>the</strong>ir point <strong>of</strong> departure <strong>the</strong><br />
infant daughter's ignorance <strong>and</strong> dependence on her<br />
mo<strong>the</strong>r. The intense pain, <strong>the</strong> cries, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> tears that<br />
cemented <strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>r-daughter bond in a violent, confrontational<br />
setting were central to accounts <strong>of</strong> Chinese<br />
footbinding. Calling attention to <strong>the</strong> centrality <strong>of</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
as actors <strong>and</strong> transmitters <strong>of</strong> <strong>women</strong>'s culture, anthropologist<br />
C. Fred Blake termed footbinding "a voluntary ordeal<br />
undertaken by mo<strong>the</strong>rs to inform <strong>the</strong>ir daughters how to succeed<br />
in a world authored by men" (Blake 1994:676,<br />
emphasis mine). The depiction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> voluntary, independent,<br />
<strong>and</strong> successful Manchu daughter is predicated on<br />
such a different concept <strong>of</strong> female agency <strong>and</strong> subjectivity<br />
that one would hesitate to refer to knife-blading as "footbinding."<br />
The Wise Man <strong>of</strong> Old Peking admitted that it<br />
was <strong>his</strong> choice <strong>of</strong> words: "Banner females did not call it<br />
'footbinding' [chanzu} but ra<strong>the</strong>r 'blading' fda tiao'er}"<br />
(Yao 1934:194) .<br />
Toward <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong> narrative, <strong>the</strong> Wise Man<br />
presented himself as a voyeur: "Banner <strong>women</strong> bladed in<br />
extreme secrecy for <strong>the</strong>y'were afraid to be seen byo<strong>the</strong>rs."<br />
T<strong>his</strong> secrecy enhanced <strong>the</strong> au<strong>the</strong>ntic appeal <strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong><br />
own account: "These are all facts witnessed by <strong>the</strong><br />
author's own eyes when he was young. They are being<br />
recounted now at r<strong>and</strong>om, for later <strong>the</strong> knowledge would<br />
probably be lost" (Yao 1934: 194). His voyeurism evoked<br />
an imaginary harem populated by fashionable teenage<br />
girls. T<strong>his</strong> harem <strong>of</strong> modern girls, located as it was in <strong>the</strong><br />
recent past, was already in danger <strong>of</strong> obliteration because<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> frightening speed <strong>of</strong> change in <strong>the</strong> modern age.<br />
T<strong>his</strong> kind <strong>of</strong> nostalgic voyeurism is <strong>of</strong>ten infused with a<br />
longing for childhood, remembered as a time-place in<br />
which a boy enjoys <strong>the</strong> company <strong>of</strong> multiple females-<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
mo<strong>the</strong>r, sisters, maids, <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs-while watching <strong>the</strong>m<br />
with ab<strong>and</strong>on (Yao 1934:282). As such t<strong>his</strong> nostalgia is<br />
structured by a similar desire that produced <strong>the</strong> Oriental<br />
harem: male fantasy for polygyny.<br />
The narrative ended with <strong>the</strong> same nostalgic note<br />
with which it began: "Since <strong>the</strong> first year <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic<br />
[1912], banner <strong>women</strong> had gradually changed <strong>the</strong>ir old<br />
custom. Now no one blades any more" (Yao 1934:194). In<br />
<strong>the</strong> end, <strong>the</strong> Qing dynasty fell, <strong>the</strong> imperium could not<br />
hold, <strong>and</strong> even a modern form <strong>of</strong> footbinding became a<br />
relic. The absence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>, <strong>the</strong> removal <strong>of</strong> old hierarchies<br />
<strong>and</strong> privileges, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> hollowing out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital<br />
enabled discourses <strong>of</strong> new forms <strong>of</strong> agency. Narratives <strong>of</strong><br />
Manchu footbinding, structured by a nostalgia <strong>and</strong> a longing<br />
for <strong>the</strong> agency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> modern woman, are thus<br />
mementos <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> past while <strong>the</strong>y serve as prolegomenon<br />
for an uncertain future.<br />
Even today, <strong>the</strong> portrait <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> independent <strong>and</strong><br />
fashion-conscious Manchu woman squeezing her toes into<br />
tight socks continues to cut a striking contrast to <strong>the</strong> tortured<br />
<strong>and</strong> subjugated Han woman, an image <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> beleaguered<br />
Chinese nation itself. Once <strong>the</strong> enemy <strong>of</strong> Chinese<br />
nationalism, <strong>the</strong> vanquished Manchus did not vanish:<br />
They have become more visible as <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>women</strong> embody<br />
<strong>the</strong> new national pursuit <strong>of</strong> speed, fashion, <strong>and</strong> selfcontrol.<br />
Although footbinding ceases to be practiced by<br />
modern <strong>women</strong>, as a reminder that <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong> is dead it<br />
remains useful to <strong>the</strong> articulation <strong>of</strong> national <strong>and</strong> ethnic<br />
differences in <strong>the</strong> modern age.<br />
REALITY AND THE REALLY MADE-UP<br />
The above discussion has underscored <strong>the</strong><br />
fragility <strong>of</strong> ethnic identities, <strong>the</strong> usefulness <strong>of</strong> female<br />
attire to <strong>the</strong>ir reinforcement, as well as <strong>the</strong> ambiguous<br />
<strong>and</strong> shifting meanings <strong>of</strong> sartorial signs. In <strong>the</strong> eyes <strong>of</strong><br />
French readers, footbinding signified Chinese ethnicity<br />
that was part <strong>of</strong> but also distinct from a general<br />
"Oriental" identity. To Qing monarchs, <strong>the</strong> bound foot<br />
marked <strong>the</strong> boundary between Han <strong>and</strong> Manchu.<br />
Tabloid writers <strong>and</strong> readers in 1930s nor<strong>the</strong>astern China,<br />
in turn, were likely to interpret a special form <strong>of</strong> Manchu<br />
"footbinding" as a harbinger <strong>of</strong> a modern national<br />
Chinese character. Surely, footbinding is a marker <strong>of</strong> ethnic<br />
boundaries within China as well as between China<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world, as scholars have <strong>of</strong>ten asserted.<br />
Yet an important caveat has to be added, that <strong>the</strong> practice<br />
<strong>and</strong> meanings <strong>of</strong> footbinding are as ambiguous <strong>and</strong><br />
unstable as ethnic identities.<br />
As for ethnicity-as-spectacIe, our insights are<br />
deceptively simple: Eyesight is important, but it cannot be<br />
trusted. What we cannot see exercises enormous power on<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p.4S, November 1, 1998
5.<br />
POWER IN THE INNER COURT<br />
OF THE QING DYNASTY:<br />
THE EMPEROR'S CLOTHES<br />
Chinese court apparel defined <strong>and</strong> sustained <strong>the</strong><br />
elite who were responsible for good government on earth<br />
<strong>and</strong> harmony with Heaven. Ritual <strong>and</strong> ceremonial clothing,<br />
toge <strong>the</strong> r with a rich variety <strong>of</strong> accoutrement, were<br />
regarded as absolutely n ecessary to maintain <strong>the</strong> prope r<br />
hierarchical order in society. From a Confucian perspective,<br />
proper clothing ensured that virtue would be recognized<br />
<strong>and</strong> praised, so that <strong>the</strong> base e lements <strong>of</strong> society<br />
would not e n croach upo n <strong>the</strong>ir superiors. The Han<br />
dynasty (206 B. C.- A.D. 220) <strong>his</strong>torian Ban Gu (d. A.D. 92)<br />
noted, "[T] he ancients used clothing for <strong>the</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong><br />
distinguishing between <strong>the</strong> noble <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> common <strong>and</strong> to<br />
illustrate virtue so as to e ncourage <strong>the</strong> imitation <strong>of</strong> good<br />
example" (Ban Gu 1963:8203). Thus prope r clothing contributed<br />
to <strong>the</strong> harmony in <strong>the</strong> socio-poli tical-religious<br />
order <strong>and</strong> contributed to <strong>the</strong> civilizing authority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
state. Because <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s clo<strong>the</strong>s embodied notions <strong>of</strong><br />
power, changes to <strong>the</strong> impe rial wardrobe were a matter<br />
not <strong>of</strong> fashion but <strong>of</strong> state.<br />
ROLE OF THE EMPEROR<br />
The e mperor was viewed as <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Chin ese universe . His position was linke d to <strong>the</strong><br />
Confucian family ideal <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> sense <strong>of</strong> order based on<br />
correct behavior. Within <strong>the</strong> basic social unit, <strong>the</strong> family,<br />
<strong>the</strong> high est respect was paid to <strong>the</strong> male head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
family. In turn, he performed rituals <strong>and</strong> religious ceremonies<br />
on behalf <strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong> kin. By extension, <strong>the</strong> vi llage<br />
elder performed a parallel function within th e community,<br />
as did <strong>the</strong> local magistrates with in <strong>the</strong> prefecture.<br />
The <strong>emperor</strong> fulfilled <strong>the</strong> same posit ion for <strong>the</strong><br />
whole human world. H e was <strong>the</strong> "Fa<strong>the</strong>r-<strong>and</strong>-Mo<strong>the</strong>r,"<br />
supreme magistrate <strong>and</strong> supreme priest on behalf <strong>of</strong> "All<br />
under Heaven."<br />
The e mperor's residence within <strong>the</strong> capital<br />
demonstrated <strong>his</strong> centrali ty in cosmic terms. From early<br />
times, <strong>and</strong> at least since <strong>the</strong> Han dynasty, <strong>the</strong> imperial<br />
palace was called Zijin after <strong>the</strong> Ziweiyuan ("Purple Tenuity<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
JOHN E. VOLLMER<br />
Compound"), which consisted <strong>of</strong> several stars <strong>and</strong> constellations.<br />
The Ziweiyua n was <strong>the</strong> seat <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Emperor <strong>of</strong><br />
H eaven. The imperial palace, <strong>the</strong> dwelling <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Son <strong>of</strong><br />
Heave n , was supposed to be aligned with <strong>the</strong> Purple<br />
Tenuity as a demonstration that <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Son <strong>of</strong><br />
Heaven was analogous to that <strong>the</strong> Emperor <strong>of</strong> H eaven<br />
directly overhead.<br />
Following t<strong>his</strong> tradition, <strong>the</strong> Q ing designated <strong>the</strong><br />
impe ria l p a lace as th e Zijincheng ("Purple Forbidde n<br />
City"). The Qing also observed th e ancient rituals that<br />
underscored <strong>the</strong> centrality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>. For example,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Great Audience, h eld three times a year , <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Regular Audience, which occu rred three times each<br />
month, endorsed <strong>and</strong> extolled hierarchical structure confirming<br />
that <strong>the</strong> world was ordered as it ought to be. For<br />
<strong>the</strong>se events, <strong>the</strong> Qing empe rors sat on <strong>the</strong> throne in <strong>the</strong><br />
H all <strong>of</strong> Supreme H armony dressed in <strong>the</strong> most formal<br />
attire called chaoJu ("court/ ritual robes"). Everyone present<br />
had <strong>his</strong> place defined by blood relationship, political<br />
status, or geographic origin. The anonymous portrait <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Qianlong em peror ( 1736-1795) in <strong>the</strong> Pa lace<br />
<strong>Museum</strong>, Beijing, illustrates <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se magnificent<br />
spectacles, which were held thirty-nine times a year in <strong>the</strong><br />
presence <strong>of</strong> hundreds <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials (<strong>Museum</strong> Boymans-van<br />
Beuningen 1990:120-121).<br />
Special cou rt events, including enthroneme nts,<br />
imperial birthdays, weddings, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> banque ts that<br />
accompanied <strong>the</strong>se events, served much <strong>the</strong> same purpose.<br />
The album painting in <strong>the</strong> Palace <strong>Museum</strong>, Beijing,<br />
depicting <strong>the</strong> 1887 Gr<strong>and</strong> Wedding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Guangxu<br />
<strong>emperor</strong> (1875-1908) illustrates one such event. Special<br />
decorations in <strong>the</strong> shape <strong>of</strong> shuangxi ("double joy") characters<br />
are hung from <strong>the</strong> ro<strong>of</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Taihe Palace<br />
(<strong>Museum</strong> Boymans-van Beuninge n 1990: 132-137).<br />
Imperial garmen ts with similar shuangxi motifs that stylistically<br />
d ate from <strong>the</strong> same period are found in several<br />
museum collections (e.g. Victoria <strong>and</strong> Albert <strong>Museum</strong><br />
T198-1948 <strong>and</strong> T253-1967; <strong>Denver</strong> Art <strong>Museum</strong> 1986.157)<br />
<strong>and</strong> might be related to t<strong>his</strong> occasion.<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 49, November 1, 1998
In addition to <strong>the</strong>se purely ritualistic activities, <strong>the</strong><br />
institutio n <strong>of</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>ship was defined by five functions<br />
(Uitzinger 1990:71-91) . Every action <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>,<br />
whe<strong>the</strong>r attended by hundreds or observed by a few, was a<br />
public performance <strong>and</strong> dem<strong>and</strong>ed appropriate clothing<br />
to emphasize virtuous display.<br />
1 . THE SAC RAL ROLE :<br />
THE EMPEROR AS SON OF HEAVEN<br />
The <strong>emperor</strong> was mediator between <strong>the</strong> world <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> higher powe rs. H e prayed <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong>fe red sacrifices to<br />
ensure that everything went well or continued to go as it<br />
should. The <strong>emperor</strong> was <strong>the</strong> only person who could perform<br />
<strong>the</strong>se tasks as he was Heaven's Son, <strong>the</strong> earthly manifestation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> supreme deity. He was said to nile by virtue<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Heavenly M<strong>and</strong>ate <strong>and</strong> selved to order human society.<br />
He was <strong>the</strong> central <strong>of</strong>ficiant at <strong>the</strong> great ritual sacrifices<br />
that occurred at <strong>the</strong> turn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seasons <strong>and</strong> at o<strong>the</strong>r strategic<br />
moments during <strong>the</strong> calendar year. Following <strong>the</strong> conquest<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1644, <strong>the</strong> Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s continued <strong>the</strong>se ancient<br />
rites, as was <strong>the</strong> ir right, to establish harmony between<br />
humans <strong>and</strong> cosmos.<br />
Important sacrifices were performed at <strong>the</strong> altars<br />
in <strong>the</strong> suburbs beyond <strong>the</strong> walls <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital; <strong>the</strong> most significant<br />
were in <strong>the</strong> south <strong>and</strong> n orth (Bredon 1931). For<br />
each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se occasions <strong>the</strong>re was a prescribed color for<br />
clo<strong>the</strong>s <strong>and</strong> ritual vessels. The sacrifice at <strong>the</strong> Altar <strong>of</strong><br />
H eaven south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Forbidden City was dedicated to <strong>the</strong><br />
supreme deity <strong>and</strong> performed before sunrise during <strong>the</strong><br />
night <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> winte r solstice. The blue kesi ("silk tapestry")<br />
cha<strong>of</strong>u for <strong>the</strong>Jiaqing <strong>emperor</strong> (1796-1820) in <strong>the</strong> Palace<br />
<strong>Museum</strong>, Beijing, is an example <strong>of</strong> a ritual robe created<br />
fo r t<strong>his</strong> p articula r sacrifice (<strong>Museum</strong> Boym a ns-van<br />
Beuningen 1990:170-171) . At <strong>the</strong> summer solstice, <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>emperor</strong> wore ye llow robes <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong>fered sacrifices at <strong>the</strong><br />
Altar <strong>of</strong> Earth, in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn suburb. On a fixed day in<br />
<strong>the</strong> spring be tween five <strong>and</strong> seven in <strong>the</strong> morning he wore<br />
red robes <strong>and</strong> sacrificed at <strong>the</strong> Altar <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sun, in <strong>the</strong> eastern<br />
suburbs. On a similar fixed d ay in <strong>the</strong> autumn<br />
between <strong>the</strong> hours <strong>of</strong> five <strong>and</strong> seven in <strong>the</strong> evening, he sacrificed<br />
at <strong>the</strong> Altar <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Moon in <strong>the</strong> western suburbs.<br />
For <strong>the</strong> autumn ceremony, pale blue robes <strong>and</strong> accessories<br />
similar to <strong>the</strong> turquoise court n ecklace use d by <strong>the</strong><br />
Qianlong empe ro r were used (<strong>Museum</strong> Boymans-van<br />
Beuningen 1990: 1 73) .<br />
The o<strong>the</strong>r annual sacrifices were conducted at <strong>the</strong><br />
Altar <strong>of</strong> Agriculture in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn suburbs during <strong>the</strong><br />
spring. Here <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong> himself cut <strong>the</strong> first furrow, as<br />
shown in <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong> scroll in <strong>the</strong> Musee Guimet collectio ns<br />
d a ting from <strong>the</strong> late 19th century (Dickinson <strong>and</strong><br />
Wrigglesworth 1990:56). Annual rites at <strong>the</strong> Altar <strong>of</strong> L<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> Grain in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn suburbs symbolized sovereignty<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
JOHN E. VOLLMER<br />
<strong>and</strong> authority as well as <strong>the</strong> fertility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>. Sacrificial<br />
meals <strong>of</strong>fered two times a year to Confucius linked state<br />
doctrine with <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>. There we re quarterly<br />
sacrifices at <strong>the</strong> Temple <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Impe rial An cestors<br />
<strong>and</strong> sacrifices twice a year to <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>s <strong>of</strong> previous<br />
dynasties. These sacrifices stressed continuity <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
dynasty's right to <strong>the</strong> Heavenly M<strong>and</strong>ate. O<strong>the</strong>r ritual obligations<br />
included twice yearly homage to <strong>the</strong> planet<br />
Jupiter, prayers for rain <strong>and</strong> good harvest, <strong>and</strong> sacrifices to<br />
<strong>the</strong> god <strong>of</strong> fire, <strong>the</strong> god <strong>of</strong> war, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> patron <strong>and</strong> protector<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital. An annual total <strong>of</strong> thirty to forty d ays<br />
were fill ed with ritual. Each ritual was preceded by a twoor<br />
three-day fasting period.<br />
2 . ADMINISTRATIVE FUN C TION :<br />
THE EMPEROR AS SUPREME MAGISTRATE<br />
The role as h ead <strong>of</strong> state was preeminently secular.<br />
The <strong>emperor</strong> p e rused all incoming <strong>and</strong> outgoing<br />
state documents personally, literally hundreds <strong>of</strong> documents<br />
daily. With <strong>his</strong> personal seal he ratified every title,<br />
promotion, d emotion , <strong>and</strong> dismissal. The <strong>emperor</strong> was<br />
<strong>the</strong> highest court <strong>of</strong> appeal <strong>and</strong> could grant pardons or<br />
defer punishment.<br />
Daily audiences were held in <strong>the</strong> early morning. In<br />
<strong>the</strong>ory <strong>the</strong>se obligations continued whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong><br />
was in residence in <strong>the</strong> Forbidden City or no t. Some were<br />
held in <strong>the</strong> summer palace. Meetings with <strong>the</strong> Council <strong>of</strong><br />
State preceded <strong>the</strong> audience (Bartlett 1991) . Lunch time<br />
generally was reserved for personal audiences with blood<br />
relatives <strong>and</strong> high <strong>of</strong>ficials.<br />
For <strong>the</strong>se events, <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s clothing refl ected<br />
political authority <strong>and</strong> control. Unde r <strong>the</strong> Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s<br />
t<strong>his</strong> class <strong>of</strong> clothing was called jifu ("auspicious coat").<br />
The 1736 portrait <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong> in <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong><br />
scroll by Giuseppe Castiglione (1688-1766), n ow in <strong>the</strong><br />
Clevel<strong>and</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Art's collections, shows t<strong>his</strong> type <strong>of</strong><br />
coat. An embroidered satin example from <strong>the</strong> wardrobe <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong> is in <strong>the</strong> Palace <strong>Museum</strong>, Beijing<br />
(<strong>Museum</strong> Boymans-van Beuninge n 1990:180-181).<br />
3.THE SCHOLARLY ROLE : THE EMPEROR<br />
AS SUPREME MAN OF LETTERS<br />
The <strong>emperor</strong> as wen'l'en-Iiterally, "a man <strong>of</strong> culture"-was<br />
expected to have a knowledge <strong>of</strong> Confucian<br />
can o nical works <strong>and</strong> orthodox comme ntaries. At least<br />
once a month <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong> met with a select company <strong>of</strong><br />
scholars who e lucidate d proble matic passages. The<br />
<strong>emperor</strong> as chief patron <strong>of</strong> scholarship <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> arts commissioned<br />
works <strong>of</strong> art <strong>and</strong> instigated <strong>the</strong> compilation <strong>of</strong><br />
encyclopedias (Kahn 1971). The practice <strong>of</strong> writing<br />
poetry, perfecting imperial calligraphy, <strong>and</strong> painting were<br />
part <strong>of</strong> t<strong>his</strong> scholarly function. The anonymous portrait <strong>of</strong><br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 50, November 1, 1998
elts, from which were suspended purses, chopsticks, <strong>and</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r personal tools, were also part <strong>of</strong> Manchu national<br />
dress (Garrett 1994; Musee du Petit Palais 1996:206-207).<br />
Like every dynasty before <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong> Qing enacted<br />
sumptuary legislation to regulate <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial wardrobe<br />
(Cammann: 1952:25). The Qing declared a new dynastic<br />
color to legitimize <strong>the</strong>ir rule in accordance with <strong>the</strong><br />
ancient wuxing ("Five Phases system"). Wuxing was associated<br />
with <strong>the</strong> ancient yin-yang philosophy. In it, <strong>the</strong> five<br />
elements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> universe-earth, fire, water, metal, <strong>and</strong><br />
wood-had a direct correspondence to seasons, directions,<br />
musical scales, <strong>and</strong> colors. The sequence black, blue,<br />
red, yellow, white was viewed as <strong>the</strong> natural succession <strong>of</strong><br />
colors. Red, <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial Ming dynasty color, was replaced<br />
by yellow, reflecting <strong>the</strong> ancient belief that element earth<br />
overcomes fire. All court clothing was to be harmonized<br />
with yellow. With <strong>the</strong> exception <strong>of</strong> rituals that required red<br />
robes, <strong>the</strong> Qing largely avoided <strong>the</strong> Ming dynastic color.<br />
Since at least <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong>Jin dynasty (1115-1234),<br />
<strong>and</strong> possibly dating back to <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Emperor Gaozu<br />
(618-626) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tang dynasty (618-907), wearing yellow<br />
robes has been <strong>the</strong> prerogative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>. Early<br />
Qing edicts enshrined t<strong>his</strong> ancient imperial precedent by<br />
reserving rning huang (bright yellow) for <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>his</strong> consort (Cammann 1952:25-27). The heir apparent<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>his</strong> consort used xing huang (apricot yellow), usually<br />
orange in tone; o<strong>the</strong>r members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> imperial clan<br />
used qiuxiangse (tawny yellow), which actually ranged<br />
from brown to plum-colored tones. Manchu nobles to<br />
<strong>the</strong> rank <strong>of</strong> third-degree prince used blue. All o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
used black.<br />
Similarly, <strong>the</strong> five-toed long dragon was reserved<br />
for <strong>the</strong> imperial clan; o<strong>the</strong>rs used <strong>the</strong> four-toed rnang<br />
dragon (Wang 1994). The nine ranks <strong>of</strong> each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> civil<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> military bureaucracies were required to wear<br />
badges based on <strong>the</strong> Ming dynasty (1368-1644) rank systems<br />
(Cammann 1944:71-130). Birds distinguished <strong>the</strong><br />
civil <strong>of</strong>ficials; o<strong>the</strong>r kinds <strong>of</strong> animals identified military <strong>of</strong>ficers.<br />
Applying <strong>the</strong> squares to front <strong>and</strong> back <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> surcoat,<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than placing <strong>the</strong>m directly on <strong>the</strong> ritual <strong>and</strong><br />
ceremonial robes, was a major change <strong>of</strong> presentation.<br />
REVISION TO COSTUME REGULATION<br />
BY THE QIANLONG EMPEROR<br />
In 1748 <strong>the</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong> commissioned a<br />
review <strong>of</strong> all previous costume regulations enacted by <strong>the</strong><br />
dynasty. T<strong>his</strong> review culminated in <strong>the</strong> promulgation <strong>of</strong> a<br />
comprehensive set <strong>of</strong> costume edicts in 1759. The<br />
Huangchao liqi tushi (Illustrated Precedents for <strong>the</strong> Ritual<br />
Paraphernalia <strong>of</strong> tile Imperial Court) classified all clothing<br />
<strong>and</strong> accessories used by <strong>the</strong> court from <strong>emperor</strong> to <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
JOHN E. VOLLMER<br />
lowest functionary (Dickinson <strong>and</strong> Wrigglesworth 1990;<br />
Medley 1982).<br />
Ostensibly <strong>the</strong> Huangchao liqi tushi was concerned<br />
with preserving Manchu identity. However, <strong>the</strong>re were<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r reasons to enact new costume regulations beyond<br />
t<strong>his</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial rationale. During <strong>the</strong> first century after <strong>the</strong><br />
conquest, Qing wardrobe needs had exp<strong>and</strong>ed far beyond<br />
<strong>the</strong> ritual clothing specifically mentioned in earlier sumptuary<br />
laws. The proliferation <strong>of</strong> patterns <strong>and</strong> garments<br />
among Manchu nobility <strong>and</strong> Han-Chinese <strong>of</strong>ficials<br />
resulted in an abuse <strong>of</strong> privilege in <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> imagery originally<br />
controlled by entitlement or through imperial prerogative.<br />
Secondly, <strong>the</strong> position <strong>and</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qing<br />
<strong>emperor</strong> had changed. Beginning with <strong>the</strong> Kangxi<br />
<strong>emperor</strong>, <strong>and</strong> continuing under <strong>his</strong> son, <strong>the</strong> Yongzheng<br />
<strong>emperor</strong>, <strong>the</strong> image <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qing <strong>emperor</strong> had been redefined,<br />
linking it more firmly to <strong>the</strong> ideals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chinese<br />
imperial model.<br />
Although largely undocumented, t<strong>his</strong> shift in <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
thinking can be observed in <strong>the</strong> surviving garments. By<br />
<strong>the</strong> early decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 18th century, Manchu court<br />
clo<strong>the</strong>s had been deliberately redesigned. Prior to t<strong>his</strong><br />
period most garments were made <strong>of</strong> a single fabric; edges<br />
were reinforced with interior facings or bindings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
same fabric. The brocaded, plum-colored satin robe dating<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Kangxi period in <strong>the</strong> Minneapolis Institute <strong>of</strong><br />
Arts' collections is an example (Priest 1945, pI. 17). From<br />
<strong>the</strong> 1720s, constructions began to feature multiple fabrics.<br />
The ground fabric <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> garment supported <strong>the</strong> principle<br />
decoration, <strong>and</strong> sleeves were made <strong>of</strong> pleated plain fabric<br />
or fabrics with woven stripes that imitated sets <strong>of</strong> parallel<br />
wrinkles from a pushed-up sleeve. A third fabric, usually<br />
blue or black, was patterned to complement <strong>the</strong> ground<br />
fabric <strong>and</strong> applied as external facings at <strong>the</strong> neck <strong>and</strong> top<br />
edge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> overlap <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> cuffs. The robes taken from<br />
<strong>the</strong> tomb <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yongzheng <strong>emperor</strong>'s bro<strong>the</strong>r, Quo<br />
Jinwang (d. 1738), that appeared on <strong>the</strong> Beijing art market<br />
in 1935-1936, help date <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> t<strong>his</strong> stylistic<br />
change (Hughes 1945; Priest 1945, pI. 26-28). T<strong>his</strong> cache<br />
was acquired by museums in Kansas City, Minneapolis,<br />
<strong>and</strong> New York. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> jifu <strong>and</strong> changfu are made <strong>of</strong><br />
multiple fabrics with contrasting sleeve extensions.<br />
Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se features, such as <strong>the</strong> shaped overlap<br />
at <strong>the</strong> front <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> sleeve extensions with cuffs, emphasized<br />
Manchu shapes <strong>and</strong> construction details. Overall, <strong>the</strong><br />
restyling represented Han-Chinese tastes <strong>and</strong> can be<br />
traced to an ancient imperial model for imperial coats,<br />
such as those recovered from <strong>the</strong> site <strong>of</strong> Mashan, dating to<br />
<strong>the</strong> late Zhou dynasty (Krahl 1995; Sheng 1995). Mter <strong>the</strong><br />
early 18th century, all court coat edges were bound with<br />
yet ano<strong>the</strong>r figured fabric. These edges were invariably<br />
black or dark blue compound silk satin woven with gold<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 52, November 1, 1998
POWER IN THE I NER COURT OF THE QING DYNASTY: THE EMPEROR'S CLOTHES<br />
patterns. T<strong>his</strong> feature can be related to <strong>the</strong> innovations<br />
affected by <strong>the</strong>Jin dynasty (Riboud 1995) .<br />
The number <strong>of</strong> dragons decorating <strong>the</strong> jifu, or<br />
semiformal court coat <strong>and</strong> chief administrative garment,<br />
was fixed at nine-eight symmetrically disposed on <strong>the</strong><br />
surface <strong>and</strong> a ninth hidden under <strong>the</strong> front overlap. Since<br />
Zhou times, nine has been regarded as <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong><br />
Heaven. T<strong>his</strong> number reflects <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s status as <strong>the</strong><br />
Son <strong>of</strong> Heaven (Kuhn 1996; Vollmer 1998). The name for<br />
t<strong>his</strong> coat, jifu, was adopted during <strong>the</strong> 18th century <strong>and</strong> is<br />
undoubtedly a reference to <strong>the</strong> name that appeared in <strong>the</strong><br />
Zhouli (Rituals <strong>of</strong>Zhou) (Wang 1994).<br />
The twelve ancient symbols <strong>of</strong> imperial authority<br />
first appeared on <strong>the</strong> Manchu <strong>emperor</strong>'s clothing in 1759.<br />
They were conspicuously absent from Qing ritual <strong>and</strong> ceremonial<br />
attire prior to t<strong>his</strong> time. Their addition to <strong>the</strong><br />
Qing imperial wardrobe reflects a conscious shift in<br />
Manchu political strategy. These symbols were incorporated<br />
into <strong>the</strong> general decorative schema <strong>of</strong> Qing court<br />
garments; hence <strong>the</strong>ir visual importance was diminished.<br />
None<strong>the</strong>less, t<strong>his</strong> addition emphatically demonstrated <strong>the</strong><br />
Qing intention <strong>of</strong> embracing <strong>the</strong> traditional role <strong>of</strong> rulers<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chinese empire as expressed in <strong>the</strong> Shujing (Book<br />
<strong>of</strong> History, pt. II, ch. I, 4), compiled from <strong>the</strong> last centuries<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Zhou dynasty to <strong>the</strong> 4th century A.D. It quotes <strong>the</strong><br />
legendary pre-Shang dynasty (ca. 1600-1100 B.C.) founding<br />
<strong>emperor</strong> Shun as saying: "[My] ministers constitute my<br />
legs <strong>and</strong> anns, my ears <strong>and</strong> eyes. I wish to help <strong>and</strong> support<br />
my people;-you give effect to my wishes. I wish to spread<br />
<strong>the</strong> influence [<strong>of</strong> my government] through <strong>the</strong> four quarters;-you<br />
are my agents. I wish to see <strong>the</strong> emblematic figures<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ancients,-<strong>the</strong> sun, <strong>the</strong> moon, <strong>the</strong> stars, <strong>the</strong><br />
mountain, <strong>the</strong> dragon, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> flowery fowl, which are<br />
depicted [on <strong>the</strong> upper garment]; <strong>the</strong> temple-cup, <strong>the</strong><br />
aquatic grass, <strong>the</strong> flames, <strong>the</strong> grains <strong>of</strong> rice, <strong>the</strong> hatchet,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> symbol <strong>of</strong> distinction which are embroidered [on<br />
<strong>the</strong> lower garment:-I wish to see] all <strong>the</strong>se displayed with<br />
<strong>the</strong> five colours, so as to form <strong>the</strong> [<strong>of</strong>ficial robes]; it is<br />
yours to adjust <strong>the</strong>m clearly" (Legge 1865:79-80, brackets<br />
indicate additions in accordance with later commentaries).<br />
The Qing placed <strong>the</strong> first four symbols-sun,<br />
moon, stars, <strong>and</strong> mountain-at <strong>the</strong> shoulders, chest, <strong>and</strong><br />
midback. The symbol <strong>of</strong> distinction, hatchet, paired dragons,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> flowery bird appeared at waist level. Templecups,<br />
aquatic grass, grains <strong>of</strong> millet, <strong>and</strong> flames were<br />
placed at knee level on <strong>the</strong> skirts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> coat.<br />
Conceptually <strong>the</strong> Qing wardrobe did not change<br />
again after 1759. The Qianlong regulations were issued<br />
regularly throughout <strong>the</strong> remainder <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dynasty<br />
(Medley 1982). The new decorative schema drawn from<br />
Chinese ideals <strong>and</strong> applied to court clothing eventually<br />
influenced domestic wear. By <strong>the</strong> 19th century, o<strong>the</strong>r than<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
garment shape, <strong>the</strong>re was little to differentiate between<br />
Manchu <strong>and</strong> Han-Chinese clothing.<br />
From at least <strong>the</strong> early 18th century, we have evidence<br />
to suggest Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s donned <strong>the</strong> garments <strong>of</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r nationalities. Jesuit artists in residence in Beijing<br />
painted Western dress portraits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yongzheng<br />
<strong>emperor</strong>. The depiction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong> as a<br />
Budd<strong>his</strong>t saint shows him in Tibetan clerical dress (Wu<br />
1995). Court <strong>women</strong> participated in masquerade but also<br />
may have worn Chinese dress for comfort <strong>and</strong> because <strong>of</strong><br />
its ancient associations with elegance <strong>and</strong> refinement. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> set <strong>of</strong> twelve hanging scrolls, <strong>women</strong> from <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong><br />
Yongzheng's harem are shown wearing Han dress (Figs. 8<br />
<strong>and</strong> 9), although some scholars question <strong>the</strong> au<strong>the</strong>nticity<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se paintings as depictions <strong>of</strong> actual events. Within<br />
<strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> Chinese Confucian art collecting <strong>and</strong> connoisseurship,<br />
<strong>the</strong> depictions <strong>of</strong> actual ceramics <strong>and</strong> metal<br />
work from <strong>the</strong> imperial collection lend weight to viewing<br />
<strong>the</strong> garments as illustrating actual practice.<br />
It is probably in <strong>the</strong> private residences that <strong>the</strong><br />
most freedom <strong>of</strong> expression in personal dress was exercised.<br />
Earlier material is rare, but clo<strong>the</strong>s from <strong>the</strong> private<br />
court <strong>of</strong>Cixi, <strong>the</strong> last dowager empress (1835-1908),<br />
reveal a personal taste (Regional Council 1996:32-47).<br />
These garments reflect Han-Chinese aes<strong>the</strong>tics in terms <strong>of</strong><br />
how <strong>the</strong>y were made. The turned back sleeves reveal a contrasting<br />
inner facing with complementary patterns. The<br />
use <strong>of</strong> externally applied facings as borders again feature<br />
color contrasts <strong>and</strong> complementary patterns. The floral<br />
decoration is influenced by <strong>the</strong> "boneless" naturalistic<br />
painting style Cixi practiced (Regional Council 1996:93).<br />
Some <strong>of</strong> her fonnal garments demonstrate <strong>the</strong> adaptation<br />
<strong>of</strong> imperial imagery to reflect her role as regent. Herjifu<br />
<strong>and</strong> gunfu <strong>of</strong>ten included <strong>the</strong> full set <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twelve symbols<br />
<strong>of</strong> imperial authority in violation <strong>of</strong> protocol.<br />
These aberrations <strong>of</strong> imperial prerogative are perhaps<br />
a fitting conclusion to a discussion about <strong>the</strong> clo<strong>the</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s. As early Confucian writers recognized,<br />
appearances at <strong>the</strong> imperial court were <strong>of</strong> critical<br />
importance. When etiquette <strong>and</strong> proper dress were practiced<br />
with diligence, society was streng<strong>the</strong>ned <strong>and</strong> imperial<br />
power was manifest. From <strong>the</strong> Confucian perspective,<br />
<strong>the</strong> relaxation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sumptuary code was a symptom <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> decay <strong>of</strong> Qing authority.<br />
LITERATURE CITED<br />
BAN, GU.1963. Baihu tongyi. Baizi quanshu ed. Gujin<br />
Wenhua Publishing Co., Taibei. 14:8203.<br />
BARTLETT, B. 1991. Emperors <strong>and</strong> ministers: <strong>the</strong> Gr<strong>and</strong><br />
Council in mid-Ch'ing China, 1723-1820.<br />
University <strong>of</strong> California Press, Berkeley. 417 pp.<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 53, November 1, 1998
BREDON,.J. 193 1. Pe king: a <strong>his</strong>torical <strong>and</strong> intimate<br />
description <strong>of</strong> its chief places <strong>of</strong> interest. Kelly <strong>and</strong><br />
Walsh, Shanghai. 571 pp.<br />
CAMMANN, S.V.R. 1944. Development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> M<strong>and</strong>arin<br />
Square. Harva rd Journal <strong>of</strong> Asian Studies<br />
8:71-1 30.<br />
---.1952. China's dragon robes.Ronald Press , New<br />
York. 231 pp.<br />
DICKINSON, G. <strong>and</strong> L. WRIGGLESWORTH. 1990.<br />
Impe ria l wardrobe. Bamboo Publishing, Ltd. ,<br />
London. 203 pp.<br />
GARRETT, V.M. 1994. Chinese clothing: an illustrated<br />
guide. Oxford University Press, Hong Kong. 224 pp.<br />
HUGHES, L. 1945. The Kuo Ch'in Wang textiles. Gazette<br />
des Beaux-Arts 24:129-148.<br />
KAHN, H.L. 1971. Monarchy in <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s eyes: image<br />
<strong>and</strong> reality in <strong>the</strong> Ch ' ie n-lung re ign. Harvard<br />
Universi ty Press, Cambridge, Mass. 314 pp.<br />
KRAHL, R. 1995. Early Bronze Age dress. Orie ntatio ns<br />
26(5):58- 6l.<br />
KUHN, D. 1996. Le Vetement sous la Dynastie des Qing.<br />
Pages 111-119 in Musee du Pe tit Palais, La Cite<br />
interdite, vie publique et privee des empereurs de<br />
Chine 1644-191l. Catalog for an exhibition held<br />
at <strong>the</strong> Musee du Pe tit Pala is November 9,<br />
1996-February 23, 1997. Association Fran
<strong>and</strong> ink, using meticulous brushwork, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir acute<br />
attention to descriptive detail presages <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong><br />
modern photo documentation. A realistic style suggests<br />
that <strong>the</strong> event depicted is real, when in fact it may have<br />
been invented to bolster <strong>the</strong> image <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sitter.<br />
Convincingly lifelike imperial portraits have a long<br />
<strong>his</strong>tory. The practice was quite mature by <strong>the</strong> Song dynasty<br />
(960-1279), when both formal <strong>and</strong> informal images <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>emperor</strong>s were produced. A Song portrait <strong>of</strong> Emperor<br />
Song Huizong (1101-1126) sitting in a garden playing a<br />
zi<strong>the</strong>r may be <strong>the</strong> earliest imperial xingle tu. Imperial portraits<br />
continued to be produced in subsequent dynasties,<br />
but <strong>the</strong>re was a new, extreme preoccupation with recording<br />
<strong>emperor</strong>s engaged in literati-style pastimes that<br />
emerged in <strong>the</strong> Qing dynasty. As conquerors <strong>of</strong> a different<br />
ethnic <strong>and</strong> cultural background than <strong>the</strong>ir Chinese subjects,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Manchu sovereigns used paintings to support<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir claim to be <strong>the</strong> legitimate rulers <strong>of</strong> China. The<br />
"Portrait <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kangxi Emperor Wearing Informal Dress<br />
[in <strong>the</strong> act <strong>of</strong>] Writing" was probably intended as a visual<br />
reinforcement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Manchu ruler's thorough mastery <strong>of</strong><br />
Chinese culture. In contrast, o<strong>the</strong>r court portraits, including<br />
one <strong>of</strong> Kangxi wearing armor, demonstrated continued<br />
allegiance to Manchu customs <strong>and</strong> martial strength.<br />
Imperial xingle tu were executed by pr<strong>of</strong>essional<br />
court artists who seldom signed <strong>the</strong>ir works. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
known painters include <strong>the</strong> Italian missionary artist,<br />
Giuseppe Castiglione (1688-1766), but <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
works were painted by Chinese artists, including <strong>the</strong> masters<br />
Jin Tingbiao (fl. ca. 1757-1767) <strong>and</strong> Ding Guanpeng<br />
(fl. 1726-1770). Most xingle tu were executed in a hybrid<br />
style that integrated Western <strong>and</strong> Chinese pictorial conventions.<br />
The rhetoric <strong>of</strong> Western realism proved useful<br />
for an imperial court determined to document in meticulous<br />
detail its greatness; employment <strong>of</strong> Chinese features<br />
suggested legitimate inheritance <strong>and</strong> continuity with<br />
China's past.<br />
A composite style is manifest in <strong>the</strong> "Portrait <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Kangxi Emperor Wearing Informal Dress [in <strong>the</strong> act<br />
<strong>of</strong>] Writing" in its simultaneous use <strong>of</strong> two systems <strong>of</strong><br />
perspective. The <strong>emperor</strong>'s writing table is rendered in<br />
a traditional Chinese manner that places <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> convergence<br />
at some imaginary point in front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>,<br />
or behind <strong>the</strong> viewer's back. In contrast, <strong>the</strong> legs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
st<strong>and</strong>ing screen are rendered in accordance with st<strong>and</strong>ard<br />
Western focal perspective. If orthogonal lines are drawn<br />
extending from <strong>the</strong> screen's legs, <strong>the</strong>y will converge in<br />
front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> viewer-<strong>the</strong> opposite <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> situation for <strong>the</strong><br />
table top.<br />
Kangxi no doubt practiced calligraphy for complicated<br />
reasons beyond amusement, <strong>and</strong> <strong>his</strong> staid posture<br />
in t<strong>his</strong> portrait seems to belie enjoyment. Although <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
JAN STUART<br />
writing table is angled so that it would be natural to see <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>emperor</strong>'s body turned, Kangxi is seated in an iconic pose<br />
at <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> picture. The real subject <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poru'ait<br />
is not Kangxi at pleasure, nor even Kangxi as a person:<br />
The image evokes Imperial Sovereign as Calligrapher, one<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> roles appropriate for <strong>the</strong> monarch.<br />
Chinese literature abounds with testimonies to <strong>the</strong><br />
cultural significance <strong>of</strong> calligraphy, which has traditionally<br />
been judged as <strong>the</strong> sine qua non <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eli te. It was (<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong>ten still is) believed that a person reveals <strong>his</strong> erudition,<br />
ethical worth, <strong>and</strong> personal character through <strong>the</strong> appearance<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong> calligraphy as much as by <strong>the</strong> meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
words; thus, calligraphy became <strong>the</strong> most highly valued<br />
visual art. For <strong>the</strong> Kangxi <strong>emperor</strong>, whose rule was<br />
supreme over both Chinese <strong>and</strong> Manchu populations,<br />
exemplary brush writing was a means to demonstrate mastery<br />
<strong>of</strong> Chinese literati culture. Perhaps he truly loved<br />
practicing calligraphy just as some American presidents<br />
seem to enjoy jogging, but like a president who uses athletic<br />
stamina to project a youthful image (sanctified in<br />
American culture), Kangxi's "love" <strong>of</strong> calligraphy cannot<br />
be divorced from its political implications.<br />
Kangxi once wrote that after he gave away 500 calligraphy<br />
scrolls on a sou<strong>the</strong>rn inspection tour, "still I have<br />
more than 2000 left" (Chang 1996:10), suggesting that for<br />
him <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong> calligraphy scrolls was a significant<br />
duty. For example, Song Lao (1634-1713), <strong>the</strong> powerful<br />
governor <strong>of</strong>Jiangsu Province <strong>and</strong> a noted art connoisseur,<br />
received gifts <strong>of</strong> Kangxi's calligraphy on many occasions as<br />
gestures <strong>of</strong> imperial favor. Kangxi knew that presentation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong> calligraphy was a way to honor <strong>and</strong> create a bond<br />
with <strong>of</strong>ficials whom he wanted to court as loyal supporters.<br />
One <strong>of</strong> an <strong>emperor</strong>'s frustrations was <strong>the</strong> inherent tension<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Qing bureaucracy between <strong>the</strong> sovereign's <strong>the</strong>oretical<br />
role as absolute despot <strong>and</strong> <strong>his</strong> real need to rely on <strong>of</strong>ficials<br />
<strong>and</strong> provincial governors to execute <strong>his</strong> plans.<br />
Although no one would dare to criticize <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>emperor</strong>'s calligraphy, none<strong>the</strong>less, it was beneficial to<br />
acquire an aes<strong>the</strong>tically pleasing style that revealed mastery<br />
<strong>of</strong> Chinese highbrow culture. Accordingly, Kangxi followed<br />
<strong>the</strong> brush model <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> great painter-calligrapher<br />
<strong>and</strong> art <strong>the</strong>oretician, Dong Qichang (1555-1636), whose<br />
style became a st<strong>and</strong>ard for calligraphy at <strong>the</strong> Qing court<br />
for many generations.<br />
DEPICTIONS OF "PLEASURE"<br />
IN THE GARDEN<br />
Many xingle tu depict more ostensibly frivolous<br />
scenes than <strong>the</strong> Kangxi as Calligrapher portrait.<br />
Sometimes <strong>the</strong>se are taken at face value <strong>and</strong> misunderstood<br />
as depictions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>s at le isure. The<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 56, November I, 1998
original audience no doubt would have decoded symbols<br />
in <strong>the</strong>se paintings <strong>and</strong> understood <strong>the</strong>m differently than a<br />
modern audience would. A large painting <strong>of</strong> 206 centimeters<br />
tall by lO1.6 centimeters wide, entitled "Yongzheng at<br />
Pleasure" (Yongzheng xingle tu; Fig. 10), can be analyzed to<br />
reveal <strong>the</strong> types <strong>of</strong> meanings imbedded in many imperial<br />
xingle tu.<br />
Yongzheng is depicted among garden trees <strong>and</strong><br />
flowers in an outdoor setting with picnic boxes <strong>and</strong> wine<br />
cups laid out on a rock in <strong>the</strong> lower right corner. The<br />
<strong>emperor</strong>'s identity is conspicuously manifest by <strong>his</strong> central<br />
position <strong>and</strong> iconic pose looking straight ahead. In<br />
contrast, <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong>ficials present are rendered with<br />
slightly turned heads <strong>and</strong> averted gazes. Yongzheng<br />
wears an informal, deep mauve robe, <strong>the</strong> dark color <strong>of</strong><br />
which st<strong>and</strong>s out against <strong>the</strong> sea <strong>of</strong> dark <strong>and</strong> light blue<br />
garments worn by <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials. The ruler is fur<strong>the</strong>r distinguished<br />
by <strong>the</strong> mat he sits upon, which is yellow, a color<br />
reserved for <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>, close family members, <strong>and</strong><br />
those granted a special privilege to use yellow. A boy<br />
wearing a yellow robe sits near <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>, <strong>and</strong> he<br />
probably represents Hongli, Yongzheng's son who later<br />
became <strong>the</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong>.<br />
Yongzheng's formal pose undermines <strong>the</strong> believability<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> title as "at Pleasure." Moreover, every detail in<br />
<strong>the</strong> painting is contrived. Although imperial records indicate<br />
that Kangxi, Yongzheng, <strong>and</strong> Qianlong all spent<br />
leisure time in <strong>the</strong>ir respective gardens, t<strong>his</strong> painting probably<br />
does not document a real event. If it does, <strong>the</strong> artist<br />
manipulated <strong>the</strong> figures' poses <strong>and</strong> enhanced <strong>the</strong> natural<br />
scenery in order to convey a political message. The magnolia<br />
<strong>and</strong> crab apple trees <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> peony flowers that fill<br />
<strong>the</strong> garden all bloom in <strong>the</strong> spring. However, magnolia<br />
trees usually flower a little earlier than peonies, which are<br />
shown here fully resplendent at <strong>the</strong> height <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir season.<br />
The painter may have stretched <strong>the</strong> truth about <strong>the</strong><br />
blooming season in order to make a point.<br />
By painting a magnolia, crab apple, <strong>and</strong> peony<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> painter created a rebus, or visual puzzle, that<br />
means "Wealth <strong>and</strong> Nobility in <strong>the</strong> Palace." Peonies are<br />
commonly known by <strong>the</strong>ir colloquial name that means<br />
"Rich <strong>and</strong> Noble Flower," <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y are symbols <strong>of</strong> wealth<br />
<strong>and</strong> nobility. To associate t<strong>his</strong> blessing with <strong>the</strong> palace, <strong>the</strong><br />
artist resorted to word play with <strong>the</strong> names for "magnolia"<br />
(yulan) <strong>and</strong> "crab apple"(haitang). By taking a component<br />
from each name, <strong>the</strong> compound, yutang, which means<br />
'Jade Hall," is generated. Jade Hall has several conventional<br />
meanings, including connoting <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s<br />
palace. It also signifies <strong>the</strong> Hanlin Academy, to which top<br />
scholars aspired, <strong>and</strong> it is a poetic reference to <strong>the</strong><br />
Dwelling <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Immortals. Thus <strong>the</strong> rebus can be<br />
extended to imply a palace compound blessed with<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
IMPERIAL PASTIMES: DILEITANTISM AS STATECRAIT IN THE 18TH CENTURY<br />
immortality, high scholarly attainment, wealth, <strong>and</strong> nobility.<br />
It was commonly believed that a righteous ruler would<br />
be surrounded by such blessings. A painting <strong>of</strong>Yongzheng<br />
at <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> an image <strong>of</strong> good fortune signified <strong>his</strong><br />
righteousness, which, in turn, reinforced <strong>his</strong> legitimacy.<br />
Given its large size, <strong>the</strong> painting may have been fitted<br />
into a st<strong>and</strong>ing screen meant to be placed behind <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>emperor</strong>'s chair. As such it would have had a semipublic<br />
use, unlike a scroll that would have been kept in storage<br />
except for occasional viewing. A political reading for <strong>the</strong><br />
painting seems especially appropriate if it was intended to<br />
be viewed by an audience in <strong>the</strong> palace.<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r xingle tu that depict Yongzheng <strong>and</strong> Hongli<br />
in a garden have been documented as having occupied<br />
prominent places on palace walls. Wu Hung (1995)<br />
demonstrated that <strong>the</strong> small hanging scroll, "Spring's<br />
Peaceful Message" by Castiglione, now in <strong>the</strong> Palace<br />
<strong>Museum</strong>, Beijing, was a model for a large mural painted in<br />
Qianlong's residential quarters (Fig. 3). The painting purports<br />
to depict a pleasurable moment between fa<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong><br />
son in a garden but is actually a serious metaphoric work.<br />
The subject alludes to <strong>the</strong> transmission <strong>of</strong> moral integrity<br />
<strong>and</strong> power from <strong>the</strong> reigning monarch Yongzheng to <strong>his</strong><br />
son, <strong>the</strong> imperial heir. 2<br />
Yongzheng st<strong>and</strong>s near bamboo <strong>and</strong> a table filled<br />
with scholarly accoutrements as he h<strong>and</strong>s a plum bough to<br />
Hongli. Both bamboo <strong>and</strong> plum are emblems <strong>of</strong> scholarly<br />
integrity <strong>and</strong> moral purity, qualities which <strong>the</strong> artist is associating<br />
with <strong>the</strong> two men. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> flowering plum<br />
tree also is a symbol <strong>of</strong> spring. As "Everlasting Spring" was<br />
one <strong>of</strong> Hongli's sobriquets, <strong>the</strong> gift <strong>of</strong> a spring bough may<br />
have served as an allusion to <strong>the</strong> personage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prince.<br />
Yongzheng's bestowal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> plum bough on Hongli symbolically<br />
reconfirmed <strong>his</strong> intention to h<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> m<strong>and</strong>ate<br />
to rule to Hongli.<br />
THE POWER OF<br />
HISTORICAL PRECEDENT<br />
The veiled political content <strong>of</strong> "Portrait <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Kangxi Emperor Wearing Informal Dress [in <strong>the</strong> act <strong>of</strong>]<br />
Writing," "Yongzheng at Pleasure," <strong>and</strong> "Spring's Peaceful<br />
Message" points to <strong>the</strong> difficulty <strong>of</strong> trying to ascertain what<br />
is a pleasurable pastime for an <strong>emperor</strong>. As Jonathan<br />
Spence (1974: xii) writes, "[Bly acceding to <strong>of</strong>fice <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>emperor</strong> became more than human, or conversely, if he<br />
revealed human traits, those traits must accord with <strong>the</strong><br />
accepted <strong>his</strong>toriographical patterns <strong>of</strong> imperial behavior."<br />
What few imperial amusements <strong>the</strong>re were needed an<br />
aura <strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong>toricity.<br />
One <strong>of</strong> Qianlong's more frivolous recorded activities<br />
is rearing katydids <strong>and</strong> crickets, which, judging from<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 57, November 1, 1998
<strong>the</strong> jottings <strong>of</strong> nonimpe rial cricket fans, was a delightful<br />
hobby. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> insects we re raised fo r <strong>the</strong>ir melodious<br />
chirping <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs for <strong>the</strong>ir warlike behavior whe n<br />
pitched into battle in a miniature arena . But Qianlong<br />
only felt free to amuse himself once h e had establish ed<br />
that imperial precede nt was be hind him. In <strong>his</strong> poe m<br />
"Yo ng luowei" (Son g for katydids) , as cite d by Wang<br />
Shixiang (1993:44), <strong>the</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong> d escribed a<br />
tradition <strong>of</strong> "impe rial patriarchs" (huangzu) who ordered<br />
courtie rs to raise katydids in warm rooms: "Every time<br />
th e re was a b a nquet, <strong>the</strong>y [<strong>the</strong> katydids] we re put in<br />
embroidered cages to chirp incessantly, which became a<br />
regulation (li)." Eve n for a pastime as ligh<strong>the</strong>arted as raising<br />
katydids <strong>and</strong> crickets, <strong>the</strong> powelful Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong><br />
fe lt compelled to cast <strong>his</strong> h obby in terms <strong>of</strong> already<br />
accepted <strong>his</strong>toriographical patterns.<br />
Qianlong's comment may h ave alluded to <strong>the</strong><br />
example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ming d yn asty Xu<strong>and</strong>e e mpe ror<br />
(1 426-1435) who raised crickets <strong>and</strong> katydids with great<br />
enthusiasm. Xu<strong>and</strong>e's passion even led to special commissions<br />
sent to <strong>the</strong> imperial kilns inJingdezhen for blue-<strong>and</strong>white<br />
porcelain cricket j ars painted with lyrical l<strong>and</strong>scapes.<br />
Qianlong's poem also surely refers to <strong>his</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fa<strong>the</strong>r<br />
as "<strong>the</strong> imperial patriarchs" said to have raised crickets<br />
to put out at banquets.<br />
COLLECTING AND DISPLAYING ART<br />
AT THE PALACE<br />
The Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s usually busied <strong>the</strong>mselves with<br />
interests far more serious than dabbling with crickets. They<br />
set out to establish images <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>mselves as active participants<br />
<strong>and</strong> patrons in <strong>the</strong> art world, condoning dilettantism<br />
as a strategy to demonstrate cultura l superio ri ty. Like<br />
Kangxi, Qianlong was also a prolific calligrapher as well as<br />
an occasional painte r. He followed Do ng Qichang's style<br />
for calligraphy, perhaps motivated by filial respect for <strong>his</strong><br />
gr<strong>and</strong>fa<strong>the</strong>r Kangxi's choice <strong>of</strong> model. Qianlong's writing<br />
is creditable but rarely inspiring. Yet, t<strong>his</strong> did not restrain<br />
him from inscribing more works <strong>of</strong> art in <strong>the</strong> palace collection<br />
than anyone else. Qianlong's calligraphy <strong>of</strong>te n lacks<br />
internal force <strong>and</strong> tensile strength. Some times <strong>his</strong> long<br />
brush strokes seem to dangle like worms twisting from a<br />
fishing pole, limp <strong>and</strong> unconnected to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r strokes in<br />
a character. None<strong>the</strong>less, Qianlong's inscriptions were considered<br />
to increase <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> objects he inscribed.<br />
Collecting antiques <strong>and</strong> commissioning n ew art<br />
proved to be more important for <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>s than <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own participation in creating calligraphy <strong>and</strong> painting.<br />
Judging fro m th e quantity <strong>of</strong> obj ects <strong>the</strong>y amassed <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> time spen t comme nting on <strong>the</strong>m, a rt acquisition<br />
was a large-scale palace enterprise. Although it no doubt<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
JAN STUART<br />
engendered some joy, <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>s approached collecting<br />
with <strong>the</strong> seriousness <strong>of</strong> work. Kangxi made it a habit<br />
after dinne r to engage in pleasant conversation <strong>and</strong> view<br />
works <strong>of</strong> art, which he believed lifted <strong>the</strong> spirits <strong>and</strong> aided<br />
in digesti on (Kangxi 1730; cited in Chang 1996: 12-1 3).<br />
Despite <strong>his</strong> o bvious pleasure, <strong>the</strong> dilige nce with which<br />
Kangxi <strong>and</strong> <strong>his</strong> two successors pursued art suggests conscious<br />
image building m o re than le isurely e njoyme nt.<br />
Their intense aes<strong>the</strong>tic interests signified that <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>s<br />
were cultivated <strong>and</strong> enlighten ed on a supramundane<br />
level, which supported <strong>the</strong>ir claim <strong>of</strong> political supremacy.3<br />
The e mperors ' colle cting mania drew on we llestablished<br />
practices <strong>of</strong> earlie r Chinese literati <strong>and</strong> imperial<br />
sovereigns. As early as <strong>the</strong> Han dynasty (206 B. C.- A.D.<br />
220) , empero rs <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> wealthy social e lite acquire d<br />
antiques as status symbols. By <strong>the</strong> Tang dynasty (618-906) ,<br />
both groups recognized art collecting as important to<br />
building a positive social image. But as Zhang Yanyuan<br />
(ca. S l 5- after 875), <strong>the</strong> a uthor <strong>of</strong> Record <strong>of</strong> Fam o us<br />
Painting Through <strong>the</strong> Ages (Lidai minghua ji; 847) admitted,<br />
collecting could also be an obsession (Pi). The Tang<br />
imperial sove reign must have agreed; <strong>his</strong> fixation wi th art<br />
led him to confiscate many scrolls from Zhang's family collection<br />
<strong>of</strong> painting <strong>and</strong> calligraphy.<br />
Since th e time <strong>of</strong> Zhang Yanyuan, acquiring art<br />
has <strong>of</strong>ten been associated with personal excess. T<strong>his</strong> recurrent<br />
<strong>the</strong>me reached an extreme degree in lite rati circles in<br />
<strong>the</strong> late Ming dynasty whe n , in <strong>the</strong> 17th century, Chinese<br />
scholars collected <strong>and</strong> wrote about art with great passion.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> modern scholar Wai-yee Li has observed: ''The connoisseurly<br />
e ruoyment <strong>of</strong> things extends to <strong>the</strong> eruoymen t<br />
<strong>of</strong> b eing o neself p e rce ived as an aes<strong>the</strong> tic image" (Li<br />
1995). The Manchu <strong>emperor</strong>s adopted t<strong>his</strong> attitude in an<br />
exaggerated manner. They also used collecting <strong>and</strong> connoisseurship<br />
to broad cast <strong>the</strong>ir power. Who else could<br />
have attempted to make an encyclopedic collection <strong>of</strong> past<br />
<strong>and</strong> contemporal), luxUl), goods <strong>and</strong> art?<br />
Scholars (e.g., Clunas 1991 ) who have studied late<br />
Ming attitudes about material culture have documented<br />
that <strong>the</strong> literati treated art as a commodity imbued with<br />
social <strong>and</strong> political meanings. The objects collected were a<br />
means to establish one's place within a social group <strong>and</strong><br />
also were a vehicle to project a personal image. By <strong>the</strong> 17th<br />
centUl)" it had become fashionable, even laudable, to be<br />
perceived as an obsessive collector, n o matter whe<strong>the</strong>r<br />
one's passion was for paintings or scholars' rocks, as long<br />
as <strong>the</strong> chosen obj ect fit within <strong>the</strong> established perimeters<br />
<strong>of</strong> "scholarly taste ." As social approbation for collecting<br />
escalated , a n ew body <strong>of</strong> literature became popular that<br />
included books to iden tify highbrow, appropriately chic<br />
items to collect. (These books were, <strong>of</strong> course, not written<br />
in such obvious terms.)<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 58, November 1, 1998
<strong>and</strong> sizes, placed at staggered levels to hold <strong>the</strong> maximum<br />
number <strong>of</strong> objects. The duobao ge was a practical solution<br />
to a display problem; it also satisfied <strong>the</strong> Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s'<br />
vision <strong>of</strong> an aes<strong>the</strong>tic grounded in gr<strong>and</strong>iosity. Under<br />
Qianlong <strong>the</strong> palace collection contained at least a million<br />
art object5.<br />
GIFTS AND TRIBUTE<br />
The imperial passion for art created opportunities<br />
for <strong>of</strong>ficials to supply <strong>the</strong> palace in return for imperial<br />
favor, leading to a virtual competition to present objects<br />
to <strong>the</strong> throne. For celebrations, including birthdays <strong>and</strong><br />
holidays such as New Year's, gifts poured into <strong>the</strong> palace.<br />
While ordinary citizens relished such days as times for<br />
personal pleasure, for <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>s <strong>the</strong>se holidays were<br />
state occasions marked by magnificently extravagant festivities.<br />
The ceremonial nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se occasions is<br />
underscored by palace paintings in which <strong>the</strong> depictions<br />
<strong>of</strong> New Year's <strong>and</strong> Qianlong's birthday appear to be virtually<br />
identical. T<strong>his</strong> similarity suggests <strong>the</strong> formulaic nature<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se celebrations <strong>and</strong> reminds us that <strong>emperor</strong>s were<br />
not portrayed as <strong>the</strong>y looked or behaved at a given<br />
moment in time. Ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y were portrayed according to<br />
stereotypical notions.<br />
Tribute lists <strong>of</strong> objects sent from Guangdong <strong>and</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r provinces to <strong>the</strong> palace testify to <strong>the</strong> wealth <strong>of</strong> goods<br />
forwarded by governors <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials. The gifts highlighted<br />
personal loyalty <strong>and</strong> helped <strong>of</strong>ficials curry favor at<br />
court (Yang 1987). A set <strong>of</strong> gold <strong>and</strong> turquoise desk ornaments,<br />
including a ruyi scepter now in <strong>the</strong> Freer Gallery <strong>of</strong><br />
Art, demonstrates <strong>the</strong> lavishness <strong>of</strong> many gifts (Fig. 11).4<br />
While contemporary objets d'art pleased <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>s, <strong>the</strong><br />
courtiers who could present antique objects seemed to<br />
earn <strong>the</strong> greatest favor.<br />
To prove direct cause <strong>and</strong> effect between gift giving<br />
<strong>and</strong> promotion is difficult, but several <strong>of</strong>ficials who presented<br />
Kangxi with important antique art works also attained<br />
a high rank. Feng Yuanji became chancellor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> directorate<br />
<strong>of</strong> education after he presented Kangxi with <strong>the</strong> calligraphy<br />
"Clearing After a Snowfall" by Wang Xizhi (303-361),<br />
China's most famous calligrapher. The <strong>of</strong>ficial Gao Shiqi<br />
(1645-1703), who had a long tenure at <strong>the</strong> impel;al court,<br />
included in <strong>the</strong> catalog <strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong> personal painting collection a<br />
separate subsection entitled Gifts to <strong>the</strong> Emperor. "Indeed,<br />
<strong>his</strong> many gifts may have encouraged <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong> to be favorably<br />
disposed toward him"(Chang 1996:13). The scrolls<br />
listed as Gifts for <strong>the</strong> Emperor embrace works <strong>of</strong> v.l1;ed quality,<br />
including some decidedly lesser scrolls, which has led<br />
some scholars to assume that impel;al connoisseurship was<br />
uneven or deficient. O<strong>the</strong>rwise Gao would not have dared to<br />
<strong>of</strong>fer such paintings.<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
JAN STUART<br />
Qianlong also extended favor to "art donors." The<br />
Freer Gallery <strong>of</strong> Art houses two rare h<strong>and</strong>scrolls by Cheng<br />
Qi, a little known Yuan dynasty painter active in <strong>the</strong> late<br />
13th century. One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se scrolls depicts multiple scenes<br />
<strong>of</strong> "Sericulture." It was presented to Qianlong by <strong>the</strong><br />
court <strong>of</strong>ficial Jiang Pu (1708-1761) sometime before<br />
1768. 5 In that year Qianlong obtained an additional scroll<br />
by Cheng Qi, which depicted scenes <strong>of</strong> "Rice Culture." In<br />
1 730 Jiang Pu received <strong>the</strong> highest degree-<strong>the</strong> jinshi<strong>and</strong><br />
ultimately he was promoted to assistant gr<strong>and</strong> secretary<br />
concurrently with <strong>the</strong> post president <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Board <strong>of</strong><br />
Civil Office. Jiang Pu's presentation <strong>of</strong> "Sericulture" cannot<br />
account for all <strong>his</strong> good fortune in <strong>the</strong> court bureaucracy,<br />
but <strong>his</strong> generous donation may have improved <strong>his</strong><br />
chances for continued success. He demonstrated some<br />
brilliance in statesmanship by presenting "Sericulture" to<br />
Qianlong <strong>and</strong> inscribing it with an <strong>of</strong>fertory preface that<br />
acknowledged <strong>the</strong> "majestic sovereign <strong>and</strong> illustrious<br />
ruler as one who brings civilization to <strong>his</strong> people by teaching<br />
<strong>the</strong>m sericulture <strong>and</strong> rice farming." Qianlong no<br />
doubt accepted t<strong>his</strong> as a personal reference. To demonstrate<br />
(or feign) deep knowledge <strong>of</strong> such things,<br />
Qianlong wrote comments about rice cultivation <strong>and</strong> sericulture<br />
above each <strong>of</strong> Cheng Qi's illustrations.<br />
Qianlong also inscribed both <strong>of</strong> Cheng Qi's<br />
paintings with long prefaces that stress <strong>his</strong> connoisseudy<br />
acumen. When "Sericulture" was first presented<br />
to <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>, Jiang Pu proposed that it was by <strong>the</strong><br />
famous 12th-century artist Liu Songnian (a spurious signature<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong> appears on both paintings). By <strong>the</strong> time<br />
Qianlong acquired "Rice Culture," he showed <strong>his</strong> discerning<br />
eye by noting that <strong>the</strong> two paintings were actually<br />
by <strong>the</strong> same h<strong>and</strong>, that <strong>of</strong> Cheng Qi. Qianlong was<br />
led to t<strong>his</strong> conclusion by <strong>the</strong> connoisseur Yao Shi (second<br />
half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 13th century), whose colophon appears<br />
on "Rice Culture."<br />
The production <strong>of</strong> rice <strong>and</strong> silk were fundamental<br />
agrarian activities considered to be <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> peace <strong>and</strong><br />
prosperity, <strong>and</strong> as such, Qianlong recognized political<br />
expediency in <strong>the</strong>se <strong>the</strong>mes. Rice cultivation <strong>and</strong> sericulture<br />
had long been popular topics at court for paintings<br />
<strong>and</strong> porcelain decoration. Two court album leaves depicting<br />
Yongzheng as a prince show him ei<strong>the</strong>r plowing a<br />
field or raising silk worms; <strong>the</strong>y suggest <strong>the</strong> court's desire<br />
to demonstrate a bond between <strong>the</strong> ruling family's activities<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> prosperity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> empire. Qianlong used<br />
Cheng Qi's scrolls to promote <strong>his</strong> own image as a ruler<br />
who could take <strong>the</strong> lead in teaching rice farming <strong>and</strong> silk<br />
production. In 1769 he ordered artisans to engrave<br />
Cheng's paintings on stone stela, so that he could distribute<br />
rubbings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> images to court <strong>of</strong>ficials (Pelliot<br />
1913:86).<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p.60, November 1, 1998
INSCRIPTIONS ON CERAMICS<br />
Qianlong routinely inscribed <strong>the</strong> art objects in <strong>his</strong><br />
collection. His resolution to mark virtually every item<br />
reflected less <strong>of</strong> a leisurely perusal <strong>of</strong> art than an obsession<br />
with manifesting ego <strong>and</strong> power. He would brush a comment<br />
on a painting or have <strong>his</strong> calligraphy incised into <strong>the</strong><br />
glaze <strong>of</strong>a ceramic ware, or carved into <strong>the</strong> surface <strong>of</strong> wood<br />
or jade objects. Unfortunately many <strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong> poetic inscriptions<br />
are doggerel (not surprising because he is said to<br />
have written 42,000 poems) , <strong>and</strong> some comments are<br />
transparent as "posturing" to enhance <strong>his</strong> image.<br />
The act <strong>of</strong> physically inscribing each object in<br />
<strong>the</strong> palace collection transformed connoisseurly enjoyment<br />
into an indelible record <strong>of</strong> imperial possession.<br />
Though crass, Qianlong's assertion <strong>of</strong> physical ownership<br />
has an analog in <strong>the</strong> behavior <strong>of</strong> animals that physically<br />
mark <strong>the</strong>ir territory. With animals <strong>and</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>s<br />
alike, possession <strong>of</strong> territory is <strong>the</strong> clearest assertion <strong>of</strong><br />
power: For Qianlong, <strong>his</strong> appreciation <strong>of</strong> art signified<br />
ownership <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> intangible realm <strong>of</strong> culture. Of course,<br />
inscriptions also allowed Qianlong to express sentiments<br />
that furth ered <strong>his</strong> political ambitions in more<br />
complex ways. His overwhelming need to inscribe<br />
obj ects with <strong>his</strong> connoisseurly opinion projected an<br />
image <strong>of</strong> imperial gr<strong>and</strong>eur on a monumental scale<br />
(Kahn 1985).<br />
A 13th-century Jun ware bowl from Henan<br />
Province, now in <strong>the</strong> Freer Gallery <strong>of</strong> Art, bears an inscription<br />
by Qianlong that was cut into <strong>the</strong> bowl's glaze in 1776<br />
(Fig. 12). The bowl is a heavily potted form with opalescent<br />
blue glaze shot through with splashes <strong>of</strong> purple from<br />
copper. In <strong>his</strong> inscription, Qianlong correctly assigns a<br />
date <strong>of</strong> Yuan dynasty to <strong>the</strong> bowl <strong>and</strong> acknowledges that it<br />
is not <strong>the</strong> equal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fine Song-dynasty Jun wares already<br />
in <strong>the</strong> palace collection, nor is it <strong>the</strong> high st<strong>and</strong>ard that he<br />
usually collects. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> bowl's importance lies in <strong>the</strong><br />
fact that it was discovered by Qing soldiers in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
frontier <strong>of</strong> Xinjiang Province, an area that Qianlong conquered<br />
in 1759.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> inscription, Qianlong ruminates about<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>his</strong>tory <strong>of</strong>Urumchi (Wulumuqi) in Xinjiang, noting<br />
that <strong>the</strong> area was traditionally uncivilized. Qianlong<br />
wrote that Urumchi suffered many hardships over a<br />
thous<strong>and</strong> years, but "since <strong>the</strong> pacification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
province <strong>of</strong> IIi <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> military garrisons<br />
[actions by Qianlong], <strong>the</strong> area has been opened<br />
to cultivation." He ends <strong>his</strong> comment: "Soldiers'<br />
encampments can safeguard <strong>the</strong> frontier peoples so<br />
that dwellers in small villages can endeavor to live happily<br />
for a hundred generations" (Qianlong 1749, chuan<br />
34:61-62; translation indebted to Thomas Lawton's<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
IMPERIAL PASTIMES: DILETfANTISM AS STATECRAFf IN THE 18TH CENTURY<br />
unpublished notes). The <strong>emperor</strong>'s text is a political<br />
polemic thinly disguised as an aes<strong>the</strong>tic appreciation <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> bowl.<br />
Comments by Qianlong engraved on a Cizhoutype<br />
ceramic pillow <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 12th century, now in <strong>the</strong> collection<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Freer Gallery, demonstrate a different political<br />
expediency: using art as an opportunity to showcase scholarlyerudition<br />
(Fig. 13). Qianlong had <strong>his</strong> calligraphy<br />
incised into <strong>the</strong> pillow in 1768; <strong>the</strong> engraved characters<br />
were originally filled with cinnabar powder to make <strong>the</strong>m<br />
st<strong>and</strong> out.<br />
The <strong>emperor</strong> aims to appear scholarly in <strong>his</strong> text<br />
but ironically begins with <strong>the</strong> mistaken judgment that <strong>the</strong><br />
pillow is Ding ware, probably having been misled by its<br />
white color. Qianlong continues <strong>the</strong> text with several tortured<br />
literary allusions, which, like Qianlong's judgment<br />
as a connoisseur, also were unintentionally ironic. The<br />
<strong>emperor</strong> extols <strong>the</strong> pure white undecorated pillow as an<br />
example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> moral superiority <strong>of</strong> plainness; meanwhile,<br />
he destroyed that very quality by engraving <strong>his</strong> calligraphy<br />
<strong>and</strong> filling in <strong>the</strong> characters with bright red. His inscription<br />
ends with a more apt literary allusion to <strong>the</strong> classic<br />
story <strong>the</strong> "Yellow Millet Dream," in which a traveler takes a<br />
nap on a magic pillow <strong>and</strong> experiences a lifetime <strong>of</strong> events<br />
in <strong>the</strong> time it takes to cook millet.<br />
The examples discussed above suggest that<br />
Qianlong was always eager to use art to fur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>his</strong> image<br />
as a cultured sovereign, no matter whe<strong>the</strong>r art collecting<br />
also brought genuine pleasure. Pleasure was secondary.<br />
The painting "Is It One or Two" by <strong>the</strong> court artist Yao<br />
Wenhan illustrates Qianlong seated in a room surrounded<br />
by ancient bronzes, which may reflect personal<br />
taste. Enthusiasm for bronzes a lso carried political<br />
momentum, as <strong>the</strong> antique ritual vessels were associated<br />
with China's "golden past." By possessing <strong>the</strong>se treasures,<br />
Qianlong reinforced that he was <strong>the</strong> rightful legatee <strong>of</strong><br />
ancient tradition.<br />
COMMISSIONING CONTEMPORARY ART<br />
In addition to accruing antique art, <strong>the</strong> Kangxi,<br />
Yongzheng, <strong>and</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong>s appreciated contemporary<br />
precious objects. Kangxi <strong>and</strong> <strong>his</strong> heirs enjoyed<br />
chime clocks, enamelware, glassware, snuff bottles,<br />
Songh ua inkstones, ceramics, jades, scholarly accoutrements,<br />
<strong>and</strong> finely crafted furniture, in addition to <strong>the</strong><br />
traditionally collected paintings, calligraphy, <strong>and</strong> bronzes.<br />
The diversity <strong>of</strong> objects that received imperial attention<br />
hints at admirable intellectual curiosity <strong>and</strong> broad aes<strong>the</strong>tic<br />
interests. A love <strong>of</strong> exoticism is indicated by <strong>the</strong> first<br />
four items, ei<strong>the</strong>r made in Europe or manufactured in<br />
Chinese palace-run workshops that had adopted foreign<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 61, November 1, 1998
technology <strong>and</strong> designs. Perhaps more to <strong>the</strong> point, <strong>the</strong><br />
Western style indicated <strong>the</strong> universal comprehensiveness<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s collection.<br />
The use <strong>of</strong> Songhua variegated slate, first used to<br />
make prized inkstones <strong>and</strong> carvings at <strong>the</strong> Qing imperial<br />
court, also owes some <strong>of</strong> its popularity to political gesturing.<br />
Before <strong>the</strong> 18th century, Duan stone from<br />
Guangdong had been <strong>the</strong> only popular choice for inkstones.<br />
It is surely no coincidence that Songhua slate is<br />
mined from below <strong>the</strong> water table in areas <strong>of</strong> Manchuria.<br />
(Some lesser quality Songhua stones come from<br />
Liaoning.) The shift in taste suggests ethnic pride.<br />
In 1680 Kangxi established <strong>the</strong> imperial workshops<br />
to oversee <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong> items required at<br />
court. "Artisans chosen b y <strong>the</strong> Soochow [Suzhoul<br />
Imperial Silk Manufacturing Office <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Canton<br />
[Guangdongl Customs Office arrived from <strong>the</strong> south;<br />
glass workers chosen by <strong>the</strong> governor <strong>of</strong> Shantung<br />
[Shangdongl were sent to <strong>the</strong> capital, <strong>and</strong> painters from<br />
regional areas throughout <strong>the</strong> empire also ga<strong>the</strong>red at<br />
court" (Chang 1996: II). The search for arts <strong>and</strong> crafts specialists<br />
from throughout <strong>the</strong> empire served <strong>the</strong> dual purpose<br />
<strong>of</strong> bringing <strong>the</strong> best specialists to court while representing<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s domain in a microcosm.<br />
Yongzheng continued <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> drafting craftsmen<br />
from throughout <strong>the</strong> e mpire, but Qianlong gradually<br />
began to show partiality: For example, for woodworking,<br />
he ultimately preferred <strong>the</strong> intricate carving <strong>of</strong> Cantonese<br />
style. The aes<strong>the</strong>tic pleasure d e rived from t<strong>his</strong> region's<br />
style overtook a need for comprehensiveness. But in o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
regards, <strong>the</strong> Qianlong imperial household continued its<br />
support <strong>of</strong> pan-Chinese <strong>and</strong> international art in order to<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> image <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong> presiding over a universal<br />
array <strong>of</strong> objects.<br />
TREASURE BOXES<br />
Obsession in collecting culminated at <strong>the</strong> court<br />
with <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> "treasure boxes," portable repositories<br />
<strong>of</strong> miniature objects carefully assembled toge<strong>the</strong>r. The<br />
palace craze for treasure boxes, which reached its height<br />
during <strong>the</strong> Qianlong reign, stemmed from several factors.<br />
The treasure boxes could amuse a viewer, but <strong>the</strong>y also<br />
were practical as a way to organize <strong>and</strong> store thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
small palace treasures within easy reach (Watt<br />
1996:549-553). More important, <strong>the</strong> world <strong>of</strong> miniature<br />
objects held within a treasure box could serve as a prop to<br />
indirectly support <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s claim to universal rule.<br />
When Qianlong presided over a treasure box containing<br />
both foreign <strong>and</strong> Chinese articles, he was figuratively <strong>the</strong><br />
Lord <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> World. Examples <strong>of</strong> foreign exotica found in<br />
some boxes include miniature binoculars, French agate,<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
JAN STUART<br />
<strong>and</strong> ormolu toiletry bottles. Some treasure boxes contain a<br />
single category <strong>of</strong> Chinese object, such as j ade or bronze,<br />
but <strong>the</strong>se collections typically embrace objects from <strong>the</strong><br />
neolithic period to <strong>the</strong> 18th century, as if to underscore<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s comm<strong>and</strong> over time.<br />
Treasure boxes with cleverly d esigned shelves<br />
<strong>and</strong> secret drawers were first popular as decorations in<br />
<strong>the</strong> palace living quarters in <strong>the</strong> 18th century. Some <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> boxes were old Ming lacque r chests, cut down <strong>and</strong><br />
retr<strong>of</strong>itted with new interiors, but most were newly made.<br />
The invention <strong>of</strong> treasure boxes was indebted to Ming<br />
customs. The practice <strong>of</strong> Ming scholars to fill a tiered<br />
wooden box with a few favored jade objects <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> "four<br />
treasures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> scholar's studio" was a model. The Ming<br />
scholars m igh t take <strong>the</strong> boxes whe n <strong>the</strong>y trave led or<br />
place <strong>the</strong>m on a desk. Concealed storage compartments<br />
in some Ming cabinets may have provided a source <strong>of</strong><br />
inspiration for <strong>the</strong> hidden drawe rs in <strong>the</strong> Qing treasure<br />
boxes. A large lacquer box on a shelf in <strong>the</strong> court painting<br />
"Woman in a Room Filled with Antiques" may represent<br />
one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> earliest treasure boxes enjoyed at court.<br />
The majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> boxes date to <strong>the</strong> Qianlong reign.<br />
More than thirty from that period are in <strong>the</strong> National<br />
Palace <strong>Museum</strong>, Taipei.<br />
Often Qianlong would collect a group <strong>of</strong> objects<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n commission a box to house <strong>the</strong>m, but sometimes<br />
<strong>the</strong> box was crafted first <strong>and</strong> objects found to fill it. For a<br />
hard-to-fill compartment, <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong> might order a<br />
court artist to paint a tiny scroll custom-sized to fit <strong>the</strong><br />
space. One example is an 18th-century copy <strong>of</strong> a famous<br />
Song-dynasty dragon painting by Chen Rong (both original<br />
<strong>and</strong> copy are in <strong>the</strong> Boston <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Fine Arts).<br />
Qianlong's desire to have famous paintings <strong>and</strong> calligraphic<br />
works recopied in miniature to fill a treasure box<br />
reveals how important <strong>the</strong> act <strong>of</strong> collecting was to him.<br />
Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> albums <strong>and</strong> scrolls are no bigger than a coin,<br />
an unnatural size limitation for a painter. The artistic compromise<br />
a painter had to endure was irrelevant to<br />
Qianlong, whose commissions were motivated not so<br />
much by artistic inspiration or aes<strong>the</strong>tic spirit as by a compulsion<br />
to own a universe <strong>of</strong> goods. By having miniature<br />
objects, h e could keep an index <strong>of</strong> <strong>his</strong> encyclopedic cultural<br />
wealth near at h<strong>and</strong>.<br />
A cylindrical box, which has a bamboo skin carved<br />
with lotus flowers, represents <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> "treasure box<br />
as microcosm" (Fig. 14). The cylinder is divided into four<br />
pie-shaped wedges, which, when <strong>the</strong> box is opened, fold<br />
back on hinges. Their rounded edges meet at <strong>the</strong> center,<br />
leaving a small, hollow air shaft between <strong>the</strong>m. In t<strong>his</strong> configuration,<br />
<strong>the</strong> cylindrical box is transformed into a<br />
square, with <strong>the</strong> pointed ends <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pie wedges at <strong>the</strong> corners.<br />
By encompassing both a circular <strong>and</strong> a square fOl-m,<br />
Series 3, No. 15, p.62, November 1, 1998
<strong>the</strong> shape <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> box symboli zes <strong>the</strong> unive rse. In traditional<br />
Chinese thought, a circle <strong>and</strong> square represent<br />
heave n <strong>and</strong> earth, respectively. The designe rs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> box<br />
may also have intended <strong>the</strong> transformation from circle to<br />
square as an allusion to <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> yin <strong>and</strong> yang-<strong>the</strong><br />
two bipolar opposites wh ose cyclical inte raction is <strong>the</strong><br />
source <strong>of</strong> cosmic regeneration.<br />
Mter <strong>the</strong> box is opened into a square, its shape can<br />
b e m a nipulate d once aga in. The four wed ges can b e<br />
pulled out <strong>and</strong> extended in a straight line so that <strong>the</strong> box<br />
fo rms a table screen, a comm on object for u se on a<br />
scholar's d esk. In t<strong>his</strong> position all <strong>the</strong> treasures on <strong>the</strong><br />
shelves--:jades from <strong>the</strong> Han through Qing dynasties-are<br />
e xposed , <strong>and</strong> closed drawers at th e base promise <strong>the</strong><br />
discovery <strong>of</strong> diminutive p aintings. The all-embracing<br />
chronological selection <strong>of</strong> jades alludes to <strong>the</strong> <strong>emperor</strong>'s<br />
comm<strong>and</strong> over Chinese culture, past <strong>and</strong> present.<br />
A delightful feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> box is <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong><br />
semicircular shelves that rotate like revolving stages. v\Then<br />
spun around, <strong>the</strong>y reveal reverse-painted glass screens that<br />
hide <strong>the</strong> jade obj ects from view. The glass sc reens are<br />
painted with European vi llage l<strong>and</strong>scapes, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rotating<br />
shelves are supported on turned wooden balusters that<br />
copy Western architectural members. In a box designed to<br />
house a collection <strong>of</strong> all Chinese obj ects, <strong>the</strong>se foreign elements<br />
provide a symbolic reference to Qianlong's position<br />
as a universal monarch.<br />
Extraordinary time <strong>and</strong> skill went into <strong>the</strong> execution<br />
<strong>of</strong> each treasure box. One tiny lacquer box in <strong>the</strong><br />
sha pe <strong>of</strong> a rooster opens to reveal a dragon boat carved<br />
from ivory. Although only six centimeters long, <strong>the</strong> doors<br />
<strong>and</strong> windows <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> boat were cut with such precision that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y open <strong>and</strong> close. T<strong>his</strong> tour de force carving surprises<br />
<strong>and</strong> d elights <strong>the</strong> viewer, but it also reveals an excessive<br />
amount <strong>of</strong> labor devoted to impe rial "playthings." The<br />
investment <strong>of</strong> time <strong>and</strong> money in treasure boxes ensured<br />
<strong>the</strong>m a place as symbols <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seeming infinitude <strong>of</strong> imperial<br />
resources.<br />
One unusual U'easure box contains five cards as its<br />
sole contents. The images on <strong>the</strong> cards are painted with a<br />
combination <strong>of</strong> Chinese pigments <strong>and</strong> Western oil paints.<br />
One card depicts a bald man dressed in a plain, informal<br />
Chinese robe, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong> r four cards display elaborate<br />
h ats <strong>and</strong> costumes painted around a blank space left for<br />
<strong>the</strong> head . When <strong>the</strong> card with <strong>the</strong> face is placed beneath<br />
one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs, <strong>the</strong> change <strong>of</strong> clothing provides a new<br />
ide ntity for <strong>the</strong> figure. The four possibilities are: a woman,<br />
a high-ranking court <strong>of</strong>ficial, a retired scholar, <strong>and</strong> a warrior.<br />
It is uncertain whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> face represents Qianlong,<br />
but <strong>the</strong> facial characteristics are not dissimilar from him as<br />
a young man. In any case, <strong>the</strong> "game" (or political strategy)<br />
<strong>of</strong> assuming identity through "idealized facial features,<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
IMPERIAL PASTIMES: DILETTANTISM AS STATECRAFT IN THE 18TH CENTURY<br />
costume, or setting .. . [ide ntified] with a specific role or<br />
archetype" was a popular conceit at <strong>the</strong> 18th-century court<br />
(Hearn 1987:108), as we have seen in <strong>the</strong> xingle tu.<br />
The Yongzheng <strong>and</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong>s had fullsize<br />
portraits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mse lves pain ted wearing costumes,<br />
including Budd<strong>his</strong>t, Daoist, <strong>and</strong> Western styles <strong>of</strong> dress.<br />
T <strong>his</strong> was not just a Western-style masquerade (Wu Hung<br />
1995). Ra<strong>the</strong>r, by presenting <strong>the</strong>mselves in <strong>the</strong> dress associated<br />
with specia l groups in society, <strong>the</strong> rulers d e m o nstrated<br />
that in <strong>the</strong>ir role as <strong>emperor</strong> <strong>the</strong>y embraced <strong>the</strong> full<br />
realm <strong>of</strong> human experie nce. T hey were truly world kings.<br />
FROM HUNTING TO LEISURE<br />
IN THE GARDEN<br />
Collecting <strong>and</strong> commissioning art were <strong>the</strong> greatest<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called pastimes for empe rors, but <strong>the</strong>y also<br />
had less sedenta'1' activities, such as hunting <strong>and</strong> visiting<br />
<strong>the</strong> ir e laborate gardens to wh il e away <strong>the</strong> hot summe r<br />
d ays. Hunting had not been terribly important in <strong>the</strong><br />
Ming d ynasty as an impe rial le isure activity, but t<strong>his</strong><br />
changed with <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Manchus, who prided <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
skill as archers <strong>and</strong> hunters . The Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s went on<br />
m a ny hunting expeditions, but for <strong>the</strong> imperia l<br />
sovereigns, <strong>the</strong>se were more serious ceremonial undertakings<br />
than pleasurable excursio ns. Shooting tige rs <strong>and</strong><br />
bears was a vehicle to demonstrate martial vigor <strong>and</strong> claim<br />
allegiance to Manchu ethnic traditions.<br />
vVhereas hunting was rooted in Manchu tradition,<br />
Qing imperial patronage <strong>and</strong> e njoyment <strong>of</strong> garde ns followed<br />
established Chinese practice. The Qing empe rors'<br />
gardens were in some ways parallel to <strong>the</strong>ir treasure boxes.<br />
The best garden prope rties we re constructed as microcosms<br />
that could demonstrate impe rial power. One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
most famous imperial garde ns is <strong>the</strong> Palace <strong>of</strong> Perfect<br />
Brightness, Yuanming Yuan, which was an estate given by<br />
Kangxi to Yongzheng whe n he was still a prince in 1709.<br />
Subsequ e ntly it was be quea<strong>the</strong> d to Qianlong, whose<br />
e nthusiasm for <strong>the</strong> property led him to transform it into<br />
one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world's gr<strong>and</strong>est garde ns. It tragically was set<br />
ablaze <strong>and</strong> looted by French <strong>and</strong> British troops in 1860,<br />
<strong>and</strong> little is left <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> magnificent property except for<br />
som e crumbled Western-style stone arches <strong>and</strong> pillars.<br />
These belonged to a compound <strong>of</strong> European-style buildings<br />
that occupied one-fiftieth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total acreage. O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> garden re-created styles <strong>of</strong> gardens from north<br />
<strong>and</strong> south China. The comprehensiveness <strong>of</strong> Qianlong's<br />
garden suggested a vast world under <strong>his</strong> comm<strong>and</strong>.<br />
A letter from Fa<strong>the</strong> r Attiret, a French Jesuit artist<br />
who served unde r Qianlong, d escribes one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
empe ror's le isure enjoyme nts in <strong>the</strong> garden: "Several<br />
times a year <strong>the</strong> eunuchs dressed <strong>and</strong> acted <strong>the</strong> parts <strong>of</strong><br />
Series 3, No. 15, p. 63, November 1, 1998
egular city people, from beggars to thieves to <strong>of</strong>ficials.<br />
Only <strong>the</strong> trading was real, <strong>the</strong> goods being provided by <strong>the</strong><br />
Beijing merchants <strong>and</strong> sold by eunuchs playing <strong>the</strong>ir part"<br />
(Dur<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Thiriez 1993:84).<br />
T<strong>his</strong> activity probably described a palace entertainment<br />
centered on one <strong>of</strong> Qianlong's favorite scrolls in <strong>his</strong><br />
collection , Zhang Zeduan ' s early 12th-century river<br />
panorama "Qingming shanghe tu" (Palace <strong>Museum</strong>,<br />
Beijing). The scroll depicts bustling commercial activities<br />
along a major waterway. Apparently possessing <strong>the</strong> scroll<br />
was not enough for Qianlong. He not only ordered court<br />
artists to create a brightly colored copy for him <strong>of</strong> Zhang's<br />
monochrome scroll (ra<strong>the</strong>r like Ted Turner's colorizing a<br />
movie), but he also m<strong>and</strong>ated that <strong>the</strong> scroll be brought to<br />
life. Qianlong periodically ordered people in <strong>the</strong> court to<br />
re-enact some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> scenes <strong>of</strong> street life <strong>and</strong> mercantile<br />
activity in Zhang's scroll. Foreshadowing a modern "t11eme<br />
park," Qianlong had a section in Yuanming Yuan built for<br />
t<strong>his</strong> purpose. The gr<strong>and</strong>eur <strong>of</strong> Qianlong's response to<br />
Zhang Zeduan's scroll suggests that he was motivated by<br />
more than aes<strong>the</strong>tic enjoyment <strong>and</strong> ligh<strong>the</strong>arted pleasure.<br />
His actions seem to express a megalomaniacal manifestation<br />
<strong>of</strong> imperial power. The busy commercial activity he<br />
had re-enacted suggested <strong>the</strong> health <strong>and</strong> wealth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
court-Qianlong's righteous rule promoted peace <strong>and</strong><br />
prospedty throughout <strong>the</strong> empire. T<strong>his</strong> garden "game"<br />
demonstrated that life unde r <strong>the</strong> Qianlong <strong>emperor</strong> was<br />
as prosperous as during <strong>the</strong> heyday <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Song dynasty. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> end analysis, <strong>the</strong> beautiful <strong>and</strong> enjoyable objects <strong>and</strong><br />
imperial gardens that Qianlong <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r 18th-century<br />
<strong>emperor</strong>s surrounded <strong>the</strong>mselves with in <strong>the</strong>ir spare<br />
time seem to have been motivated by political strategy.<br />
The Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s effectively used <strong>the</strong>ir dilettante interests<br />
in <strong>the</strong> arts, hunting, <strong>and</strong> garden design to craft an<br />
image as Supreme Sovereign.<br />
NOTES<br />
1. See Rawski (1996) for an insightful article about<br />
inspiring Han loyalty through use <strong>of</strong> ritual music in <strong>the</strong><br />
rites <strong>of</strong> ascending to <strong>the</strong> t11rone.<br />
2. Yu Hui (1996:42- 50) differs from Wu Hung<br />
(1995) in <strong>his</strong> interpretation <strong>of</strong> "Spring' s Peaceful<br />
Message" <strong>and</strong> by implication accepts <strong>the</strong> activities in most<br />
xingle tu paintings at face value. Yu states <strong>the</strong>re was<br />
"increasing latitude given artists to show scenes <strong>of</strong> imperial<br />
private lives, with <strong>the</strong> sovereigns engaged in non-political<br />
<strong>and</strong> non-ceremonial activities such as family ga<strong>the</strong>rings,<br />
hunting expeditions <strong>and</strong> otl1er pastimes. In such portraits,<br />
clearly undertaken with imperial consent, court artists<br />
were able to portray <strong>the</strong>ir subjects with greater intimacy<br />
<strong>and</strong> naturalism" (p. 44). I emphatically disagree with Yu 's<br />
<strong>Denver</strong> <strong>Museum</strong> <strong>of</strong> Natural History<br />
JAN STUART<br />
reading <strong>of</strong> xingle tu as documents <strong>of</strong> "normal, joyful family<br />
festival scene[sJ " (p. 45).<br />
Li ao Baoxiu (1995) also accepts xingle tu paintings<br />
as accurate depictions <strong>of</strong> court events <strong>and</strong> customs. I<br />
believe that while <strong>the</strong> material objects represented in a<br />
xingle tu are usually accurate, <strong>the</strong> events depicted are fictional<br />
<strong>and</strong> chosen for political value.<br />
3. The Qing <strong>emperor</strong>s' grasp <strong>of</strong> art's political<br />
value has modern parallels. Chiang Kai-shek took <strong>the</strong><br />
palace art collection to Taiwan with <strong>the</strong> relocation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Nationalist Government. His action was promoted as<br />
safeguarding <strong>the</strong> collection, but <strong>his</strong> gesture also could be<br />
used to bolste r <strong>his</strong> status. As <strong>the</strong> possessor <strong>of</strong> China's cultural<br />
h eritage, Chiang was in a better position to b e<br />
accepted as <strong>the</strong> nation's political leader. At <strong>the</strong> very least,<br />
he would be seen as a cultured head <strong>of</strong> state, which was<br />
smart "image making."<br />
4. The set <strong>of</strong> eighteen desk ornaments has been<br />
studied by Berthold Laufer (1934) . Each piece originally<br />
came in its own wooden box with a label written in<br />
Chinese, Manchu, <strong>and</strong> Tibetan. The prominent use <strong>of</strong><br />
turquoise <strong>and</strong> gold for each piece refl ects a Tibetan style;<br />
Laufe r proposes that <strong>the</strong> set was made in Tibet <strong>and</strong> presented<br />
by an <strong>of</strong>ficial to Qianlong in 1783. The set was still<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> early 20th century but was sold as individual<br />
lots by Parish-Watson Company, New York, in 1937. The<br />
Freer purchased <strong>the</strong> ntyi scepter at that time. A pierced<br />
box or perfume r was sold at Spink's in London in 1987,<br />
<strong>and</strong> anotl1er two pieces are in a private collection in Texas.<br />
5.Jiang Pu was a painter <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> son <strong>of</strong> Jiang<br />
Tingxi , o n e <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most famous artists in <strong>the</strong> court<br />
academy <strong>of</strong> painters. Jiang Pu wrote a preface for <strong>the</strong><br />
"Sericulture" scroll before he presented it to <strong>the</strong> throne,<br />
but <strong>his</strong> text is undated.<br />
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